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An 



ADDRESS, 



E ^^ DELIVERED AT THE 

OpilMNG OF THE TOVTN-HALIi 

< IN 

a SPRIlVGFIELiD, 

o 

m 

g MARCH 24, 1828. 

m 

S 

^^ CONTAINING 



sketches of the early history of that 
Town, and those in its vicinity. 

with an appendix. 



BY GEORGE BLISS. 



PUBLISHED AT THE RECJUEST OF THE TOWN. 



8PRINGFIELD TANNATT & CO- 

1838. 







T 4 V '^^c>^ 




ADDRESS. 



Our assembling this day, in this Hall, is a subject for mutual 
ssongratulation. That the town has, with so much unanimity and 
concord, undertaken and completed a building, so convenient for 
the transaction of public business, evinces in the inhabitants, a 
spirit of liberality and harmony, highly honorable to our society. 
This buildin?, so ornamental to the place, has been completed, 
without accident and without contention.* The occasion sugges- 
ted a wish to have an historical account of the town. Such a his- 
tory will, probably, be peculiarly interesting to the inhabitants ; 
but it is also important to the community in general. This was 
the earliest settlement, in the western part of the state, and uselt 
the parent of many others. It v/as a colony from the setdements 
about Massachusetts Bay, begun and carried on while those set- 
tlements were yet in infancy. It was an important post against 
the Indians ; and being adjacent to Connecticut, and the only 
town bordering on that colony, it was long involved in great and 
violent disputes with that government. 

The means of compiling such an account are not oyer ample ; 
but some care has been taken to collect what remains. Many 
facts now known, may soon be lost ; many which might have been 
found half a century ago, are now irrecoverably gone. Ver) few 
traces of the ecclesiastical history of the town can be found. 

Severalof those who were here at the first settlement, came 
from England, when the governor and company came over, in the 
year 1630. How many 1 am unable to ascertain. 

William Pynchon, Esq. who may properly be called the father 
of the town, was one of the patentees in the colony charter, named 
m the deed of 1627, and the charter of 1628. He was appointed 

'See Appendix A. 



a magistrate and assistant in Oct. 1629, in England, when the 
governor and other officers were appointed. He came from Eng- 
land with governor Winthrop, and first settled at Roxbury. The 
number who then came to Massachnsetts, cannot be given ; but 
it is said there were 2000 in 1630, and in 1633, a large addition^ 
bringing with them several distinguished ministers. 

The discovery of Connecticut river, was, probably, not made 
so early as that of some other streams, less important, owing to 
Long Island stretching along before its mouth. But in 1631, a 
bark which had been to the south, sailed up the river some dis- 
tance. The Plymouth colony had sent to build a trading house, 
and the Dutch began a settlement at Hartford. But it is said, that the 
first dwelling house built on the river, by an European, was at the 
mouth of Windsor Little river, by William Holmes, in Oct. 1633. 

The information given of the favorable situation of that river, 
induced many of the inhabitants about Boston, to make strenuous 
efforts to remove. The General Court had prohibited any per- 
sons removing without their consent. This prohibition was 
grounded on their being engaged in a joint undertaking, to make 
improvements for the common benefit ; and if every one were at 
liberty to desert it when he pleased, it might not only prevent a 
beneficial improvement, but endanger the lives, of those who re- 
mained. For one or two years, applications to I'emove to the 
Connecticut, were unsuccessful ; but this did not hinder explor- 
ing parties from going out and making arrangements for settlements. 
This was the case in regard to Wethersfield, Hartford and Wind- 
sor. There is a tradition, that some of those that came to Weth- 
ersfield, in the year 1634, remained through the winter. 

Early in the year 1635, the people of Watertown, and Dorches- 
ter, and afterwards those at Newton, obtained the consent of the 
General Court, that they should remove to the Connecticut river. 
In May, 1635, Mr. Pynchon, and the inhabitants of Roxbury, had 
also liberty granted them to remove themselves to any place that 
they should think meet, not to prejudice any other plantation, pro- 
vided they continued under the government of Massachusetts. A 
similar condition was annexed to the leave given to the other 
towns. In the latter part of the year 16. 5, the Dorchester people, 
with their minister, Mr. Wareham, came to Mattaneaug, at first 
called Dorchester, and afterwards Windsor. Those from Neu^- 
town, or Cambridge, came to Suckiang, called by them Newion, 
and since Hartford ; those from Watertown, to Pauquiaaug, called 
Watertown, now Wethersfield. 

In the same year, Mr. Pynchon, Henry Smith, Jchn Burr, and 
probably, some others, came to this place, called by the Indians. 



Aggawam, and began to build a house, on the west side of th« 
river, on the Aggn vain, in the meadow, called from that fact, 
Housemeadow* Tiie Indiaiis, seeing this, and being perfectly 
friendly, informed them that tlie house would be exposed to the 
flood, and tl)ey abandoned it, and came and built a house on the 
east side of the river ; pr)bahly, on the lot afterwards owned by 
Mr. Pynchoii, and still possessed by liis descendants. It is supposed 
they returned to Roxbuiy in the fail. Mr. Pynchon, at the spring 
election after, was chosen a ma£:;isu'ate, as he had been years be- 
fore ; but it is noted on the rtcord, that he was absent at the time 
of election. 

In the spring of the year 1636, Mr. P) nchon, with a number of 
other persons, with their families, removed from Roxbury, and 
canie to this place. How long they were on the journey, or in 
what course they came, is now unknown. It is mentioned that 
some that went bom Hartford, in the winter before, were ten days 
in getting to Boston, It is not easy for those who dwell at ease, 
and are in the enjoyment of civilized societ}, and the various do- 
mestic comforts which we possess, to conceive of the difficulties, 
perplexities, and distresses, attending a new settlement, among 
hordes of savages and wild beasts, at a distance of a hundred 
miles Irom civilized society, and a wilderness, interspersed with 
mountains, rivers, ponds, and marshes, intervening. It is rare that 
new settlers go a great distance without having something of a road 
by land or water. It is not common that they put themselves so 
far from neighboiu's. Ordinarily they continue under the protec- 
tion of a government able and willing to repel aggression and re- 
dress their wrongs. 

When Mr. Pynchon, and those who accompanied him, came 
here, they made an agreement, the original of which is in the first 
book of records of the town, subscribed by them. It is dated May 
14, 1636, and consists of fifteen articles. The first of which pro- 
vides for the settlement of a minister. The second limits the 
number of families to forty, and not to exceed fifty. The other 
articles provide for the rule and mode of division, and defraying 
the expenses of the settlement.f This agreement has the signa- 
ture of only eight persons, though there is internal evidence that 
there were twelve concerned. The names of thrtse who subscrib- 
ed it are, William Pynchon, Matthew Mitchell, Henry Smith, Je- 
hu Burr, William Blake, F"dmnnd Wood, Thomas UfFord, and 
John Cabell. Jehu Burr and Thomas UfFord, did not write, but 
made their mark. Tlie other four who were united with thens 

^Appendix B. tAppendix C. 



6 

were, Thomas Woodford, John Reader, Samuel Butterfield, and 
James Wood. It is worthy of remark, that not one of the first 
adventurers died here ; and, I beheve, none but Mr. Pynchon 
left descendants here. Several of them gave up their allotments 
to the company. This was the case with Blake, UfFord, Mitch- 
ell, the two Woods, Reader, and Batterfiold. Burr remained 
here two or three yHars, and then removed into Connecticut. Ca- 
bell in 1G41, sold his lot to the town. Mr. Pynchon, in 1652, 
and' Smith, in 1653, went to England, and died there.* All, ex- 
cept Pynchon, S,nidi, and Cabell, gave up their interest, and it 
was afterwards granted to other persons. The first allotment was 
so different from the actual settlement, that it is not easy to trace 

It was of the first importance, situated as the early planters were, 
to prevent persons deserting the undertaking, while in its inlant 
state, to guard against the admission of improper associates, and 
to prevent the property from accumulating in two or three hands. 
They, therefore, ordered, in January, 1638-9, that a person who 
had a lot, should not sell to one who was already provided. When 
a person was desirous of removing, he was bound to give the 
plantation notice ; and if they disallowed the sale he was about 
to make, the plantation was to take the lot, if they chose, at an 
appraisement. If no measures were taken after 10 days notice, 
the first bargain might proceed. In making the actual settlement, 
the following was the most general course : to allow each inhabi- 
tant a house lot on the west side of what is now called Main street, 
eic-ht rods wide, from tlie street to the river ; a like width in the 
meadow, in front of his house, to the foot of the hill ; and a wood 
lot of the same breadth, extending, at first, eighty, and afterwards, 
an hundred rods, nearly to the top of the hdl ; and, when practi- 
cable, an allotment in the interval on the west side of the river, ot 
the same width, as near as might be direcdy against his lot. 1 his- 
was the ordinary course ; there were a few instances where the 
lots were wider ; but, I believe, only one narrower f 

The original limitation to fifty families, may seem strange and 
extraordinary to us, at this day. But it is apparent that those 
who made that agreement contemplated, at first, having their 
house lots all on the west side of the street, within the compass of 
two miles. When this limitation was made, the house lots were 
to be much wider than they afterwards established them. The 
marsh, or meadow, on the east side of the street was considered 
unfit for building ; and the upland east of it, was reserved for 

^Appendix D. tAppendix E. 



wood lots. But the manner of cultivation is also to be considered ; 
it was very ditFerent from that of the present day. It is very evi- 
dent, from the early history, that it was extremely difficult and 
inconvenient for any considerable number to gain a subsislance 
together. They had very strong inducements, not only for their 
mutual accommodation, but more than that, for their self-defence 
and self preservation, to keep in compact settlements. Yet, nei- 
ther their fears, nor public prohibitions, could prevent their wan- 
dering and scattering themselves abroad. It may be stated, with 
truth, that to some, a roving, unsettled disposition, was a sufficient 
cause for wishing to remove. This, however, could not generally 
be the case. The manner of cultivation gives the only and full 
solution of the difficulty. They generally had their farms in com- 
mon. Partition fences were a work of much labor and time. It 
is apparent, from the places selected for the first settlement, that 
the principal dependence was upon the intervals and cleared lands. 
They took only the natural grass for their cattle, and the land 
which was clear of timber, for their planting grounds. To fell the 
forests, and clear land for a crop of wheat or corn, was a work of 
much labor, and one to which they had been but rarely accustomed 
before their emigration. Potatoes, which now afford so much aid 
in a new settlement, were then unknown, Tradition has always 
represented the house lots as originally a birch plain. The above 
considerations unquestionably operated upon the first associates at 
this place. 

When the settlement was made here, there were no white in- 
habitants on the east side of the river nearer, in any course in 
which they would travel, than Wateriown. A settlement had, in- 
deed, been begun at Concord, a short time before. On the west 
side of the river, the only settlements were those towns which had 
been commenced the year before. These places, at first, bore the 
names of the towns which they respectively left. 

The first settlers came, indeed, as did all the other plantations, 
under the license, and the professed authority and protection of 
Massachusetts ; but they were so separated from the towns on 
the Bay, as to be obliged, principally, to rely on thesmelves. Ag- 
gawam was at first united with the other towns below, on the river, 
as no distinction had been made in the license to remove j all be- 
ing subject to the same restriction. 

The license, in one instance, mentions towns, and in others 
plantations on Connecticut river. A joint commission for their 
government, for the term of one year, was made, containing reg- 
ulations as to the mode of administering justice. In this commis- 
sion there was a saving of the rights of those who had just obtain- 



8 

ed the patent of Connecticut.* It appears by the Connecticut re-* 
cord, that under this order, at a court holden at Newton [Hartford] 
Nov. 1636, Mr. Pynchon was present, with the other magistrates. 
In the year 1637, Mr Pynchon was again appointed, with Mr. 
Ludlow, and others. In 1638, it is stated on the town record, 
"that there was a free choice according to the order from Mr. 
Ludlow, by the plantation, of two comrailtys for the general court, 
to be holden at Hartford, April 4, 1638, and the partys chosen 
are Mr. George Moxon and Jehu Burr." And it appears that 
both Pynchon and Burr attended. 

Aggawam was also assessed with the towns in Connecticut, to 
furnish its quota of troops, and to pay a portion of the expense of 
the Pequot war. The number of men required of them, was 
seven, and the amount of tax they were to pay, was £86, 16s. 
sterling, the whole being £550. Dr. Trumbull, in his history of 
Connecticut, observes that tjiis place did not furnish the troops^ 
but paid the assessment. I should have come to a different con- 
clusion, were it not for his authority. I find no evidence of any 
payment or assessment, on our records ; and the Pynchon minute 
book gives no him respecting either troops or money for that pur- 
pose. When the leave was given to come here, the General 
Court loaned to the adventurers, certain military stores and am- 
munition, to be furnished by the towns of Wateriown, Dorchester 
and Roxbury.f 

This place did not long continue united with the other towns 
on the river. The three towns formed a voluntary constitution, 
in February, 1639, in which no mention is made of Aggawam* 
The inhabitants of Aggawam believing themselves to be within the 
jurisdiction of Massachusetts, Feb. 14, 1638, came into a voluntary 
agreement, and appointed William Pynchon, Esq, a magistrate, 
with extensive powers, and directed the proper course of proceed- 
ing, till they should receive orders from Massachusetts. This 
regulation, most clearly shews the wisdom and prudence of the 
people ; and is as pure a specimen of democratic legislation, as 
is extant.J It has been suggested that Mr, Pynchon was dissatis- 
fied with some proceedings at Hartford, in which he was person- 
ally concerned, and that he joined with Massachusetts on that ac- 
count. I find no evidence of this; but 1 do find that the south 
line of the colony of Massachusetts had been run, and it was then 
supposed to be ascertained that the line passed between Spring- 
field and Windsor. From the time of making the last mentioned 
order, Springfield continued within the jurisdiction ofMassachu- 

*' Appendix F. tAppendix G. ^Appendix H 



aetts, and seat deputies to the General Court, as the other towns 
did. 

The original name of the place was Aggaioam, or, as our an- 
cestors soinetiines wrote it, Aganm. There were several other 
places in the state which had the same Indian name. The most 
famous was Ipswich ; and there were two in Plymouth colony. 
The precise signification of it, I know net ; but finding that places 
bearing this name, are meadows, with a small river running through 
them, near to which they unite with larger waters, I am induced 
to conjecture it is indicative of its local situation. The name was 
changed from Aggawam to Springfield, by vote of the town, in 
general meeting, April 14, 1640. Hubbard, in his general histo- 
ry, states that the name was given out of regard to Mr. Pynchon, 
who had his mansion in a town of that name, near Chelmsford, in 
Essex, before he came to this country. Whatever be the origin, 
it is peculiarly appropriate. It is very rare that a place so abund- 
antly watered with rivers, brooks, streams and springs, can be 
found.* The first appearance of the name upon the records of 
the General Court, is in 1641 ; before that it is spoken of as Ag- 
gawam. That name often occurs in the records of 1638, 39, and 
40 ; afterwards it was always called and known by the name of 
Springfield, and no other. 

Much uncertainty has existed as to the date of the incorporation 
of the town. When the Massachusetts Registers were first pub- 
lished, it was stated as 1G35, or 1645, leaving it uncertain which 
was the true time. This was continued for several years. At 
length the latter date was exclusively fixed upon as if it had been 
discovered that the town was incorporated in 1645 ; and for sev- 
eral years, that date has been generally adopted. I have repeat- 
edly examined the public records of that period, with attention 
and care, and have not been able to discover a single fact occur- 
ring in 1645, which should induce the selection of that year, in 
preference to any other in that century. That such a mistake 
should occur, will not be thought very strange ; for so far as I 
can find, there is not in print, any where, the incorporation of the 
most ancient towns. This is to the disgrace of the state. It has 
long been a complaint, that our ancient laws can hardl}' be foimd. 
Some of the general acts have, indeed, been repeatedly publish- 
ed ; but many others were never printed. The record of incor- 
poration of the oldest towns, is extremely laconic. For example, 
it was "ordered that Aggawam shall be called Ipswich." "Tri- 
raountain is made a town by the name of Boston." *' Wessacus- 

*Appendix I. 

2 



10 



cous shall be a town by the name of Newbury;" and persons 
were aoDninted to set out the bounds. 

No re^ la. act of incorporation, as they are now made, was giv^ 
en to any of the towns, till long after the time of which we arc 
now sneaking if any ever passed during the existence of the co^ 
birgotrent/ln reg^ard'to Springfield, - such tr "S^^^^^^^ 

of the General Court can be fo""^ ^^' ^""?^-^'"S .^.J^Xch ^^^ 
of that dav could be called an mcorporation. After seaicmng 
tho ought in Massachusetts and Connecticut, I have come to he 
conclusion that the town never was mcorporated. The settle 
Tnt, L two or three years, united with the other towns m C ^n - 
necticut, and sent deputies to the General Court. But u is sty ed 
in the Connecticut records, the plantation «' /§S^™;,^ ,V;^„' 
general license, originally given to remove ^o ^li^ J'^fJ^f^^^dX 
tettlements, called indiscriminately towns and P^«"t^^^°" ' ^f '^f. 
authority given for their government, m which ^^as mcluded a di 
rection as to the choice of constables, and prescribing their duy 
TstZ officers, can be deemed an act of --[P-^!!-; '^//^^ , ^ 
bear ihe date of the commission then given ; but a hcense to settle 
any where on the river, can hardly be called an mcorporation of 

'TtttobSthafXn the jurisdiction of Connecticut was 
reni^c'eta^n^ application made\o M-sachuseUs for d.e^^^^ 
was made by the name of the town of ^pr.ngfield dui g the yea^ 
1640 ; and that its not having been made a town by ^^e Ge^eia 
Court was not adverted to at the time. Very soon after t was 
recognized as a town, sent deputies to the General Court and 
conducted, and was treated, in all respects, as a town Ihe set 
tlementw^s begun in 1636, and the place .s recognized by the 
name of Springfield, by the Genera ^ourt, in 164L In 1647 
additions were made to the town of Spnngfie Id. Were 1 to hx 
?he date, it would be 1641 ; as from that ti.ne it was recognized 
bv the name of the town of Springfield, by the Legislature, i he 
mere vote as to the name, in 1640, ought not to affect this ques- 

^'"^The limits of the town were not originally better defined, than 

the date of incorporation. The earliest notice 1 find on this sub- 

iect is an order of the plantation, beanng date Januarys, 10J», 

ippoJnttng six men to set out the bounds of the plantation, on both 

sides of the river, and to mark the trees for the clearing of it. i 

may here be obs;rved, once for all, that the dates in our ancient 

records beein the year the 22d of March. January, February, 

and the Ser part of March, are reckoned in the preceding year. 

Sometimes, instead of the heathen names of the months, they reck 



11 

on I, 2, 3, 4, and so on. In this case, they hegin with April as 
the first. Counting the time by this rule, the order was January, 
3639, as we reckon ; and a return was made, describing the 
boundaries as follows : "We have laid out the boundaries of the 
plantation up the river, on the other side of the river, and th^ 
bounds are at a brook above the great meadow, which is about a 
quarter of a mile above ye mouth ofChicopee river. The brook 
in the long meadow, at the lower end. is the bounds southward, 
and the brook a little below, on the other side, — and the bounds 
that is set for gathering candlewood into the woods." The dis- 
tance east and west, is not mentioned in this order, or return ; but 
the town claimed and exercised jurisdiction to the extent of five 
or six miles from the river. There is nothing on the recoids 
of the General Court, for the first ten years, as to the bounds of 
the town, though it is frequently mentioned as a town within the 
colony limits. 

In the year 1647, the town petitioned to have the land at Fresh- 
water, (now Enfield,) granted to them, and also to have Woronoco, 
(now Westfield.) And in that year the bounds of the town were 
greatly enlarged. It was ordered by the General Court, in March, 
1647, that all the land east of Connecticut river, from the town oj 
Springfield, down to the warehouse, which they built there, and 
twenty poles below the warehouse, should, for the present, belong 
to the town of Springfield. The warehouse was at Warehouse- 
point, at a house occupied by John Bissell, nearly in the north line 
of Windsor. It was meant to include all the land within this col- 
ony, according to the measuring of Woodward and SafFery. Over 
this territory, Massachusetts claimed and exercised jurisdiction for 
a century from that date. The eastern boundary of that tract was 
also lelt wholly undefined. 

In the autumn of the same year, another annexation was made 
of a very valuable tract of land, called Woronoco, including part 
of the towns of Suffield, Westfield, and Southwick. "October 27, 
1647, Woronoco upon Connecticut river, within the jurisdiction of 
Massachusetts, is ordered to be, and reputed to be, a part of the 
town of Springfield, and liable to pay charges there, as others of 
the same town, till erecting another plantation, it shall be annexed 
thereto." By a subsequent order, Springfield was to adjoin 
Northampton and Hadley, and to extend eastward to the foot of 
the mountains ; which meant the eastern base of the first moun- 
tains. 

This territory included the towns of Westfield, Suffield, and a 
great part of Southwick, and the whole of West Springfield, on 
the west side of the river, and the towns of Springfield, Enfield, 



12 



Somers, Wilbraham, Ludlow and Longmeadow on the east ; and 
contained, according to the last census a popu at.on of 21 o3. and 
a territory nearly 25 miles square. The most of it uas at that 
xZX. wilderness state. One or more early estabhshment 
ad been made at Woronoco. This was an m. porta., post fo 
be beaver trade with the Indians. It was claimed bo h by Con- 
recticu and Massachusetts. 1 believe there is no doubt both had 
mdin" houses there. The progressive settlement and division 
;^his^errhory into towns and' parishes, I shall "otice hereaftei. 

One leadini object of the first settlers, m commg to this place, 
was that they might have a settled minister, and unite in a church. 
Mr!'p nchon^eft^his minister, Mr. Eliott, at Roxbury, and the 
towns in Connecticut brought ministers with them. ^^^'^ m ^ 
short time after he came, a minister was settled here, -nd a chu h 
gathered. The Rev. George Moxon, was probably settled in the 
year 1637. He was in that'year made a freenmn, at Boston, and 
in April, 1638, was appointed a deputy, by this town to go to 
Hartford. When he came from England, is not kno.^n. The e 
fre no early church records extant ; but there ,s no renson to 
doubt that a church was gathered at the time of his coming here. 
Ml K-nchon, and several others who were here then, were church 
niembers and persons eminent for piety, and professedly designed 
To^rganiie a clmrch, without delay. The foru.ation o the church 
has been, by some writers, I know not upon what authority, post- 
poned tc^ the year 1645, as the time of incorporation of the 
Town w s. This church was probably the fourteenth in Massa- 
chusetts * After Mr. Moxon left Springfield, there was an inter- 
val of nearly nine years, in which they had not a settled minister. 
During that time, they had several preachers, ^yho stayed some 
ime ^Vith that exception, there have been, with very short in- 
terruptions, one or more settled ministers ever since Mr. Moxon 

*^^Tn th^vear 1639. a bouse for Mr. Moxon was built, by a volun- 
tary assessment. The house was 35 by 15 feet, with a porch and 
a study in it. The roof was thatched, and the cellar planked, in- 
stead of stone wall. Mr. Moxon had a grant of a house lot and 
other lands, as the other inhabitants had. His homelot was four- 
teen rods, instead of eight. In the year 164. a contract was 
Zde by the town, with Thomas Cooper, to bmld a meetmghou e. 
The house was to be 40 feet long and 25 wide ; to be 9 feet be- 
tween ioists, to be double studded, lour large windows, X^^o on 
each side, ^nd one smaller one at each end ; one large door at 

-Th. •ditor of VVinthrop'6 Journal, poetponiog it to 1645, makes it the 26tk. 



13 

the south side, and two smaller doors ; to have joists for a floor 
above, to be underpinned with stone ; to shingle tlie roof, with two 
turrets, one for a bell, the other for a watch-house : for which he 
was to be paid fourscore pounds [to"be paid] in wheat, peas, 
pork, wampum, debts and labor. Each inhabitant was to furnish 
twenty da}s work in all. The meetinghouse was placed a rod or 
two northwest of the place where the store of Daniel Lombard 
now stands, and fronting to the south. A road, one rod w^de, 
passed on the south side of it, to the training field, or burying 
ground. It is probable this was then the only house here with a 
shingled roof, or stone underpinning. A chamber floor was laid, 
and the chamber occupied for a store, by John Pynchon and oth- 
ers ; but it seems, afterwards the floor was removed and a gallery 
made. Mr. Moxon's salary was at first forty pounds sterling, and 
paid by an annual tax. 

As Springfield was on the borders of Connecticut, and for many 
years the only town bordering on that colony, and had once united 
with them, it was frequently claimed to belong there. There was, 
however, a more violent contest as to Woronoco. Mr. Fenwick, 
the governor of Saybrook, had established a trading house, and 
claimed it as within the patent of Connecticut. This, probably, 
embraced part of Southwick and Suffield, as well as Westfield. In 
making the grant to Springfield, it is called Woronoco upon Con- 
necticut river. The controversy with Mr. Fenwick was carried 
on for several years. But as affecting Springfield, there arose a 
more serious and bitter controversy. 

The patentees of the charter of Connecticut had, about the 
time of the first settlement on the river, commenced a fort at Say- 
brook point, at the mouth of the river. They appointed John 
Winthrop, Jr. son of the fiist governor, their commander, and 
vested him with authority over the river. He claimed a toll from 
all passengers to aid in suppoiiiug the fort. This was exacted, 
not only from foreigners, but the inhabitants of the towns on the 
river. The towns below, sensible that they had settled on the 
lands of the proprietors of the fort, and were liable to be ousted bj 
them, did not controvert the payment. The inhabitants of 
Springfield, strenuously resisted payment ; and when it was at- 
tempted to be enforced, they determined to have the hill benefit 
of this great natural highway, and appealed to the General Court 
for assistance and protection. The General Court resolved that 
they were not bound to pay toll. The people in Connecticut, on 
the river, afterwards agreed to purchase the fort and the jurisdic- 
tion of the river, and also the claim against Springfield for the toll 
which had accrued before the purchase. The Saybrook gov- 



14 



enunenthad subs'.sleU independent ol that on the nver, lor nea y 
te ears when this purchase was made, which was pecembei o 
.644 The government of Connecticut claimed the toll wh.ch 
had accrued This occasioned as great and famous a controversy 
between Massachusetts and Connecticut as ah.ost any m the.r 
historv It was long agitated before the commissioners of the 
tJ 1 ;>nlnnies The arguments on both sides were learned and 
Z^M ^o, on^ he 'two colonies, but the whole four unrted 

oToniefwe!; fmally' engaged in the ^^^^^^X^xZTlT^l'^ 
determined it was reasonable that Springfield should pay , du^ 

'"?„ ;?dtfo ":sMhe°^tdpb of .his decision, .he General Courr 
of Massachuse..s orde'red .l,a. all vessels belongn,g .o he o he. 

colonies, should pay a certain toll upon ^"'^"°S , '■^, ''7^° ^ak 
Rncinr, This was erea.ly resented, and seemed hkely .o oreaK 
f;r -conTederacy o'f the'colonies. More urgent com-on danser 
"nduced all parties to suspend their controversy, which, I beheve 
uas never resumed. The conduct of Massachusetts has been 
very severely blamed, by Connecticut historians, and ,s spoken of 
wuh more disapprobatim. by Hutchinson, than 1 think it deserve . 
Is to the ?.gh to the claim, it rests upon the same ground with 
ttat of Comlecticut. Both of them were probably very impolitic. 
Vmt Vinth must Stand or fall together. „ 

The own ncreased rapidly", and the settlements extended in all 
r^irectfons till an event took place which seemed hkely greatly to 
e Sr f not to destroy it. lilr. Pynchon had been employed m 
. nublic concerns, and had been a magistrate from lG3b to IboU 
^cludi gthrtwoor three years when the town was united w.h 
Co Scut! In the year 1650, he fell under the censure of the 
GeeS Court, for having published a book, not m accordance 
wUnhir sentiments, in some of its theological opinions, in regard 
to the atonement. He was left out oi the magistracy, and cited 
be oie tE"^^d laid under heavy bonds. The next year, M . 
Pvnchon in a letter addressed to the General Court retracted his 
fenTments The censure of him was suspended but he was so 
mucnissatisfied that he went to England, and Mr. Moxon wen 
Tth him Whether he approved Mr. Pynchon's book, is not 
no vn Mr. Pynchon did not take his family, but Mr Moxon did 
Ne^the of thein returned Henry Smith, Mr. Pynchon's son m 
kw remained here a year, and then sold his property and with 
hir'famiv removed to England, and remained there till he died. 

J;JA. talents. He appears to liave had the c-tidence of 
the town while he remained. Henry Smith was a man of educa 



15 

?lon, and was appointed a magistrate when Mr. Pynchon was left 
out. He was a good penman, and much employed in the affairs 
of the town.* 

The loss of three such men could not but have been severely 
felt. But the absence of Mr. Pynchon was made up in his son, 
John Pynchon, who remained here. He was a man of uncommon 
talents, and admirably adapted to his situation. To mention no 
others, Deacon Samuel Chapin, and Elizur Holyoke, were well 
qualified for public business, and much employed in it. 

The subject of the tide to the land within the town, is one that 
ought not to be passed over. So far as the General Court could 
give a title, I think it may be fairly inferred that it has been done. 
In the establishment of the most ancient towns, there was no ex- 
press grant of the right of soil. It seems to have been implied in 
the authority to be a town. By the colony laws of 1636, it was 
provided, that the freemen of every town, with such others as are 
allov.ed, shall have power to dispose of their own lands and woods, 
tind to grant lots. The acts and doings of the General Court, 
having made this a town, gave the right to dispose of the land 
within it. The law provided that a record of such grants, and the 
bounds of each man's lot should be made, and a transcript of it 
sent to the General Court. In regard to Springfield, a special or- 
der was made of this import. 

The general right of civilized man to appropriate to his use, a 
part of the land claimed by those who roam the forest in a savage 
state, I cannot here discuss ; and I feel that, in the present case, 
there is no necessity for observations on the subject. The greater 
part of the land within the limits of the town, extensive as they 
were, was obtained by fair purchase from the Indians, There are 
several deeds on record. They were made to agents, in behalf 
of the town. The names of the grantors I shall not undertake to 
give. The first deed is dated July 15, 1636, though a bargain 
had been made before. This was Accomsiek, and all the ground 
on the side of Aggawam, except the ground then planted by the 
Indians ; and also, all the ground on the east side of Quineaticott 
river, called Usquaiok Nayassett, reaching about four or five miles 
in length, from the north end of Massacksick, up to Chickuppe 
river, and also, Massacksick and grounds adjoining, reserving the 
ground then planted, and liberty to take fish and deer, ground 
nuts and acorns, and a kind of wild peas.f The second deed is 
dated April 14, 1652, and conveys the land below Longmeadow, 
lying on Freshwater, at Enfield. A third deed was made June 

^Appendix K. fAppendix T,. 



16 

20, 1666, of the right of those who gave it, to the land at Aggaward 
and Qiiana ; and also, the Jiigher meadow and uplands, from the 
mouth of Aggawam river, up to the ponds west of it ; and all the 
land into the woods, where Ensign Cooper and Samuel Marsh- 
field had a meadow. The fourth deed, made in the year 1674, 
was considerably more extensive. It contains, in the first place, 
a confirmation of the other deeds, from Longmeadow to Chico- 
pee, as far east as the five mile pond, "which lyes by the hay 
paih.^^ The south bounds of the tract sold by said fourth deed, 
is "the riveret called Freshwater, on Asmentuck, including the 
meadows thereon, to its head, ancl thence eastward to the riveret 
called Scantick, up to the place where it comes down from the 
mountains, and including the meadows on both sides of Scantick. 
The foot of the mountains is the eastern boundary — northerly the 
Chickuppe river, and west the land first sold." Afterwards, 
March 16, 1680, a deed was made of the residue of Enfield, down 
to Saltonstall's brook, and to extend east eight miles. A deed 
was likewise made of Woronoke, June 3, 1669. Another deed 
was made of Suffield. Through the agency of John Pynchon, 
Esq. like purchases were made of Northampton and Hadley. 

Some may ridicule the idea of purchasing of the Indians ; but 
there is no reason to believe that they did not understand what 
was meant by a sale of land. These transactions were at different 
periods, from 1636, to 1680. They well understood what the 
English claimed by virtue of such sale. It appears that the town, 
as early as April 16, 1640, passed an order to I'estrain the Indians 
from breaking up any new grounds, or from planting that which 
was broken up the year before ; and, as to the swamps in the 
neck, a part of the land first sold, that stakes should be set up, so 
that the Indians might be restrained from extending themselves 
farther. Mr. Moxon, Henry Smith, and Thomas Mirrick, were 
appointed a committee to execute the order. 

The Indians received for these purchases, more than what they 
sold was worth to them. I go farther, and agree with the judi- 
cious and pious historian of Connecticut, that our ancestors gave 
the full value, and more than the full value of their lands. Who- 
ever is conversant with the hardships, toils and privations attend- 
ing a new settlement in the wilderness, and will take the trouble 
to compute what is expended and laid out on and about a settle- 
ment, to make land produce any thing — how much its value de- 
pends on neighboring settlements — on roads, fences, and the va- 
rious improvements of civilized life — will inevitably come to the 
conclusion, that wild land, in a wilderness, remote from neighbors, 
©ftnnot be of much value. Lands in our new settlements, are 



17 

Worth but little now. And yet their value is very much enhanced 
by reference to oilier places already cleared and settled. 

The people here taxed themselves to pay for purchases of the 
Indians. Tue first tax on record, except a voluntary one for Mr. 
Moxon's house, is one of £20 sterling, to pay Mr. Pynchon, in 
part, for the Indian purchase. This was May 6, 1644. Several 
grants were made afterwards, upon condition that the grantees 
should purchase the Indian title. 

The administration of justice, as long as William Pynchon re- 
mained here, was under his direction. The first year after he 
came, he acted under the general commission given at the time 
of removing ; tlien for two years under the associates at Con- 
necticut ; and for one or two years by the order of the town, in 
town meeting ; and from 1640 to 1650, under commissions given 
from time to time by the General Court. His authority as a mag- 
istrate was extensive in civil and criminal cases. He officiated as 
judge of probaie, and tried causes. All trials were, however, by 
jury. Tliejury to consist of six men, when twelve could not be 
had. An appeal, upon giving bonds, might be had to the court 
at Boston. All capital trials were to be at Boston. Noventber 
6, 1648, the town, by vole, appointed that four courts should be 
holden in each year. The constable of the town was to execute 
all processes; and while there was no gaol, he was to confine per- 
sons in his custody, by imprisoning in irons. To supply the want 
of grand jurors, the town voted to choose two men annually, who 
were to be under oath, to present all ofFences to the magistrate, 
and all breaches of town or court orders. These were called 
presenters. 

The authority giv^en to the selectmen wns, In some respects, dif- 
ferent froin what they now have. The following is the copy of 
the record of a vote, in the hand writing ot William P\nchon. 
The hand is not easily read, and perliaps a word or two may be 
mistaken. "Springfield, the 26ili of the 7th month, 1644- — It is 
this day agreed by general vote of the towne, that Henry Smith, 
Tho. Coo|)er, Samuel Chapin, Richard Sikes, and Henry Burt, 
shall have power to direct in all the prudential affairs ol the towne, 
to prevent any thing they shall judge to be to the damage of the 
towne, and to order any thing they shall judge to be for the good 
of the towne ; and tliey or any three of the five shall have fidi 
power for a year's space : and what they or any three of them 
shall order, shall be of full power and virtue. Also to hear com- 
plaints, to arbitrate controversies, to lay out highways, to make 
bridges, repair highways, especially to order the making of the 
way over the muksy meadow, to see to the scouring of the ditches 

3 



18 

and to the killing of wolves, and to the training up of the children 
in their g )od ruling, or ;i:iy other thing, they shall judge, to be to 
the profit of the town." Mr. Pv^nchoo's records are preserved, 
and in the hands of Edward Pynchon, Esq. There are many 
proceedings of the town recorded in liis record book, and not 
found elsewhere. 

After Mr. Pynchon was left out of the magistracy, Henry Smith 
had the same power which Mr. Pynchon had exercised When 
Smith went to E igland, it was vested in three persons, of whom 
John Pyiich^tn was one. After Northampton and Hadley were 
settled, the commissioners of Springfield and Northampton united 
and held courts alternately here and at Northampton, until a coun- 
ty and county courts were established. 

Drunkenness and lewdness seem, at that period, to have been 
not ver}'- uncommon. They were much more generally and 
more severely punished than they now are. 

As this part of the country increased, the people determined to 
apply to the General Court to have a county established ; and 
May 7, 1662, the western part of the slate was made a county by 
the name of Hampshire. I have, on another occasion, inadvert- 
ently stated this to be in the year 1660. I know not that the law 
erecting the county is in print ; I have never seen it. There 
were in the county only three towns, Springfield, Northampton 
and Hadley. There were, however, a number of oiher settle- 
ments commenced, which a short time after were towns. 

It is not in my power precisely to fix the time of the early set- 
dements in the different parts of this town. Grants were not un- 
frequendy made years before the land was occupied. Though 
they were recorded, the date of the grant or transfer is not given. 
The county records do not reach buck far enough Probably, 
the earliest settlement, except the homelots in the street, were in 
Longmeadow. This was not earlier man 1644, and not later than 
1646. The first residents in Lcffigmeadow, were in the meadow, 
and not on the hill- Permission to budd on the hill was net given 
till the year 1703, when the inhabitants, generally, built where the 
street and mee'inghouse now are. There were one or two early 
settlements at Skip.nuck, probably the beginning of the year 
1660. On Chicopee river the first cultivation was begun on the 
south side of that river, and near its mouth. The oldest was in 
the year 1645. 

It is very ditFicult to fix the time wIkmi the inhabitants began to 
build on the west side of the river. Tue land there was improved 
as a com.non lield, -is well before as after setUements were com- 
menced. There were, as I believe, three distinct parts of West 



19 

Springfield, occupied about the same lime. One was south of' 
Agawain river, l>eguii by the ancesiurs of tiu- Leonards aiui Coop- 
ers. Auoiher was tn the first parish, undtr the hill ; and a third 
on Cliicopte plain, above. Tliese commenced, as far as I can 
ascertain, in 1G53, and soon rapidly increased and extended. 

The first house built east of the town street, on the east side of 
the river, was Charles Ferry's, who had bought the east part of 
bis father liarnion's meadow, and had, in 16G1, a special license 
to build theie ; and his descendants own the place to this day. 

Wiiile this town was thus increasing, a large tract of land above 
it was purcuased of the Indians, through the agency of John Pyn- 
chon, Esq. including what is now Northampton, Hadley and Hat- 
field. A flourishing se'tleinenl was commenced in Northampton, 
in 1653. Soon after, the towns of Hadley and Hatfield were set- 
tled.* In the year 16.j5, settlements were begun at Freshwater, 
(now Enfield); and in KiSG, a considerably extensive allotment 
was made of iands at Woronoco, (Westfield.) In 1G60 or Gl, it 
seems, a settlement was commenced at Suffield. 

An order was made, i\iarch 12, 1G62, that there should be a 
highway laid out to the House of Correction, that is to be built on 
the meadow, and thence to the house that is next to Thompson's 
dingle; from which it appears that other settlements were then 
made or contemplated, on Maple street. 

One or two ol tne first instances of prosecutions for witchcraft, 
arose from transactions in this town. The delusion on this sub- 
ject was not then as great as it was afterwards. It was, indeed, 
the general belief of the age, that witchcraft and diabolical posses- 
sion were not unfrequent. This was a capital offence, and tried 
before the Court ot Assistants at Bo<?ion, and one of the cases af- 
terwards came before the General Court. Hugh Parsons and 
Mary Parsons, were prosecuted and finally acquitted of th:s of- 
fence. They lived at the lower end of Main street. The char- 
acter and situation of their accusers, I have been unable to learn. 
There is notliingon our records on the subject. 

In addition to the plantations before mentioned, Quabog, or 
Brookfield, had been purchased, and a settlement commenced 
there before 1673. I ought to have noticed Deerfield before. 
Another plantation was begun farther un the river, at a place call- 
ed Squaukege, now Northfield. 

The country had undoubtedly been to a considerable extent 
improved and cleared. The inhabitants of the county had greatly 
increased, as well in this town as others. The Indians could not 

*Soe Appendix L. 



20 

but see with regret, the alterations that were making. Their 
plantine, hunting, and fisliing grounds, were gradually diminished. 
King Philip saw, and felt this most sensibly, and was determined 
to make an effort for the entire extirpation of the English ; and 
for that purpose made strenuous exertions to combine all the tribes 
of Indians in one confederacy. This he effected to a great ex- 
tent. It is foreign from my purpose to give an account of the origin 
and progress of the Indian wars, any farther than this town and 
the settlements connected with it, were particularly affected. 

When the English first came to this place, they were received 
by the Indians with friendship; and for nearly forty years, lived 
with ihem as neigiibors, in harmony and peace. Occasionally, 
complaints were made of the misconduct of the Iridians. They 
were, when complaints were substantiated, obliged to do right by 
their neighbors. On the other hand, it is evident, that when the 
Indians informed the magistrates of injurious treatment, prompt 
and speedy justice was done to them. It is evident that our an- 
cestors did not undertake to apply and enforce their regulations 
upon the Indians living in a savage state, who had never acknowl- 
edged their jurisdiction.* The white inhabitants and Indians, 
residing so near to each other, must have had daily intercourse, 
and been familiarly acquainted. 

In June, 1675, when Philip's war broke out, there was a gen- 
eral alarm. Many transactions occurred afterwards to excite sus- 
picion ; and this not merely in remote regions. Quabog, or 
Brookfield, was attacked and destroyed. Injury had been sus 
tained at Northfield, Deerfield, INonhampton, and Hatfield. It 
was understood that Philip himself was in this part of the country. 
What fortified places there were in the town, does not certainly 
appear. The old brick house, built by John Pynchon, Esq be- 
fore the year 1660, a great part of which is still standing, was used 
as a fort. The portico, and a part ol the roof, have been remov- 
ed. There is reasoji to believe there were one or two more forts 
south of the meeting house. It has also been said, that the south 
part of the town was palisadocd : probably not so as to afford 
very great security. The Indians who were on this side of the 
river, had their pi'incipal settlement on Longhill, where they had 
a fort. The place \\as admirably adapted to prevent surprise, 

*TIie difficulties in regarci to governing tlio Indians within tlio local limits of 
the colon)', must have been sc ns^ibly folt, very early. A letter of Mr. Pynchon'a 
to governor Dudley, and the proceedings of council thereon, published by the 
learned editor of VV inthrcp, in tfe appendix to the 2d volume, will show the 
sound principles whi<h they adopted, leaving the independent tribes to their 
own laws and customs. 



21 

and was also well calculated for concealment. During the night, 
of the third or fourth of October, three hundred of Philip's war- 
riors were received into the tort, and there concealed by the 
Springfield Indians. Toto, a Windsor Indian, was informed of a 
plot to burn the town, and massacre the inhabitants. This he 
communicated to the people at Windsor, who, without delay, sent 
an express, to give the alarm here. This, at first, occasioned 
great consternation. The people here betook themselves to the 
forts, and took sucii measures for security, as they could, upon the 
emergency. The Springfield Indians, however, appeared as usu- 
al, professed cordial friendship, and in a great degree, quieted the 
fears and alarms of the English. The Rev. Mr Glover, wlio, 
with others, had retired to the fort, and had removed his library, 
and some ol his valuable effects, to Mr. Pynchon's, upon finding 
all to be quiet, and nothing heard or seen of an enemy, moved 
back his library to his own house. The Indians lay perfectly 
still and concealed Some of the Engli-,h, however, were not 
satisfied ; and in the morning of October 5th, Lt. Thomas Coop- 
er, and Thomas Miller, went out as scouts, to examine and ex- 
plore the fort and Indian settlement. While advancing towards it, 
they were both firefl upon and killed. Mr. Cooper being very 
athletic and vigorous, got into one of the forts before he expired. 

An assault upon the town immediately followed. Three men 
and one woman were killed, including the two above named. 
About thirty dwelling houses, and twenty five barns, were de- 
stroyed. The mills, and house of correction, or gaol, were also 
burnt ; but the old meeting house was preserved. 

The Indians retreated before they had completed the work of 
destruction. Tliai so few lives were lost, was very extraordinary. 
The colonial governments of Massachusetts and Connecticut had 
a considerable force in this quaiter. But apprehending the dan- 
ger to be fiirther north, they had established their head quarters 
at Hadley, and no troops were then stationed here. 

John Pynchon, Esq. who had been commander in chief in 
Massachusetts, had a day or two before, resigned the conimand. 
At his urgent request, Capt. Sauiuel Appleton had been appoint- 
ed, and while in Massachusetts, according to the terms of the con- 
federacy of the united co'onies, would have the chief command. 
It is supposed Mr. Pynchon was at Eadlcy, wlien the attack took 
place. Mrjor Treat, who conmianded the Connecticut Ibrces, 
received orders to march into Connecticut, to protect their towns. 
It has been supposed he was at VVestfield, on his way, when the 
alarm was g'.ven ; but it would seem by Applcoiis letters, that 
he was left at Hadley, when Appleion came to Springfield with a 



22 

large force, as he did, ujjon infocmation of tlie attack. The Indi- 
ans, however, retired, and the Enj^hsh forces were not able to 
come up with ihein, though they immediatply pursued. 

The dismay, horror and confusion of such a scene as presented 
itself to our ancestors, we cannot conceive ; bui it may be more 
easily conceived than described. The most of tije inhabitants, 
though conversant with the Indians, knew as little of war, and es- 
pecially o'' Indian wars, as we do. They had known the Indians 
only as friends and peaceable neighbours. Tliese circumstances 
give this attack all the shocking features of a civil war. The pro- 
duce for the approaching winier had been gathered, and was de- 
stroyed. There are three original accounts of this transaction, 
which I have seen. The first is contained in a letter from John 
Pynchon, to his son, then in England ; the second is (he official 
report of Capt. Appleton, to the governor : and the third, by Jon- 
athan Burt, written in a blank leaf of a record book of the town. 
They all represent the distress and consternation, as very great : 
They all breathe a spirit of piety, and an acknowledgement of the 
interposition of divine providence, not often to be found in these 
days. The whole accounts are interesting ; but I must content 
myself with extracts. Mr. Pynchon writes as follows : 

Springfield, Oct. 20, 1675. 
Dear son Joseph, — The sore contending of God with us, for 
our sins, and unthankfulness for former mercies, and unfruilfulness 
under our precious enjoyments, hath evidently demonstrated that 
he is very angry with this country. God having given tiie heath- 
en a large commission to destroy his people, and exceedmg havoc 
they made in this end of the country, destroying two or three 
great places above Northampton and Hadley, and lately they have 
fallen upon Springfield, and almost ruined it by bui'ning of houses. 
About 30 or 32 dwelling houses all burnt dow-n, and some twenty 
five barns full of corn and hay. The Lord hath spared my dwell- 
ing house ; but my barns, and outhousing all burnt down, and all 
iny corn and hay consumed ; and not any thing have I left of food 
either for man or beast. All my mills, both corn tiiills and saw 
mills, burnt down those at home in this town, and also those 1 had 
in other places. — So that God hath laid me low — 1 am really re- 
duced to great straits. * * 4t * 4t * * 
* * * * How God may dispose of us 1 know 
not. We are yet here at Springfield My house garrisoned with 

soldiers and full of troubles and hurries. 1 am not able to 

afford you any help, but by my prayers, which I am always put- 
ting up for you ; and as God shall enable shall be ready to do to 



23 

my utmost otherwise. The Lord in mercy be good to you and 
us ; how he may deal with us I know not. Where his Provi- 
dence fnay cast me, xvhether to Boston, or further on, whether I 
may hve to get out of this place is only with himself. * * * 

The official letter of 'Wv. Appleton discloses some particulars 
not before published. It is addressed to governor Leverett, and 
dated October 12, 1673. He was at Hadley when he wrote. It 
contains the following : 

"As to the state of poor desolate Springfield, to whose relief we 
came [though with a march that had put our men into a most vio- 
lent sweat and was more than tbcy could well bear,] too late. 
Tneir condition is indeed most afflicted, there beiui about thirty 
three houses and twenty five barns burnt, and about fifteen houses 
left unhumt. The people are full of fear, and staggering in theif 
thoughts as to their keeping or leaving of the place. They whose 
houses and provisions are consumed, incline to leave the place as 
thinking they can better labour for a living in places of less dan- 
ger, than where they now are. Hence seem unwilling to stay 
except they might freely share in the corn and provision which is 
remaining and preserved by the sword. I cannot but think it 
conducive to the public, and for ought I see to the private interest 
that the place should be kept ; there being corn and provision 
enough and to spare for the sustenance of the persons whose num- 
ber is considerable and cannot be maintained elsewhere without 
more than almost any place can afford to their relief The worth 
of the place is also considerable and the holding of it will give en- 
couragement and help to others and the quitting of it great dis- 
couragement and hazard to our passage from one place to another ; 
it being so great a distance from Hadley to any other town on this 
side of die river. I have in regard of the present distress of the 
poor people adventm-ed to leave Capt. Sill there to be ordered by 
the Hon'd. Maj'r. till further order. ^ * * * 
****** Fn the account of Springfield 
houses we only presented the number of them on the e?st side of 
the river and that in the town plait for in all, on the west side and 
in the outskirts on the east side, there are about sixty houses stand- 
ing and much corn in and about them." 

In another letter, dated October 17, 1675, he says : "By a 
letter from Major Pynchon, I am informed of an old Indian Sqaw 
taken at Springfi(>ld, who tells that the Indians, who burnt that 
town loilged about six miles of the town. Some men went forth, 
found twenty four fires, and some plunder. She saith there came 



24 

of the enemy 270, that the enemy are in all about 600. Thd 
place where they keep is at Coassitt as is supposed abont fifty six 
miles above HaJley." 

Mr. Burt's account is short. "On the 5th day of October, 1675, 
a day to be kept in me nory of posterity, when the barbarous 
heathen made an assault on this poor towne, killed two men, and 
a woman and wo'inded several, one of which died soon after, 
burnt down 20 dweUing houses and barnes, and much corn and 
hay. Bit G )d did wonderfully preserve us or we had been a 
prey to tlieir teeth. God in his good providence, so ordered it 
that an Indian gave intelligence of the enemie's designs to fall on 
this towne, whereby we escaped with our lives for which we should 
give God the glory. Jonatlian Burt an eye witness of the same." 
A short ti ne after this, Oci.ober 14th, an attack was made upoa 
Hatfield, but was soon repelled by Appleion's forces. 

The council, in answer to Capt Appleton's letter, by iheir 
communicaiion, dated October 15th, say : "We are very sensi- 
ble of the great loss sustained at Springfield, and are of the same 
opinion with you thai it is not advisable to have it deserted, and 
would hopt^ that the inhabiiants of almost one hundred houses 
would be ab'e to defend tlie maine of tlie remainder while the en- 
emy is abroad." 

It has been supposed that M ijor Treat, with the Connecticut 
forces, was passing through Westfiold, at the time of the attack on 
Springfield, and came to their relief. Appleton's official letter, 
however, is different. He says, in his letter of October ]2th, al- 
ready quoted, "that upon a re})ort of Indians lower down above 
Hartford he was, while 1 was absent, [vvhen he came to Spring-, 
field] recalled by the council of (Jonuectieut i pon the eiirhth of 
this instant and is not yet returned, nor do I know how it is with 
bim nor when he is like to return." 11 Treat had been at Spring- 
field between the 5th and 12th, Appleton would have seen him, 
and mentioned the fact. 

The people here were kept in fear, and frequendy alarmed. 
No very extensive injury was done. Two or three pe-rsons were 
killed. At a later period. Skipmuck suilered considerably, and 
Benjamin Wright was taken captive, l^lu- people were so much 
disposed to abandon and desert iheir setilemeuts, that Mr. Apple- 
ton found it necessary, by general orders, as commander in chief, 
to issue a proclamation, dated Novendier 12th. 1675, to prohibit 
the inhabitants of Springfield, Westfield, Northampton, Hadley, 
and Hatfield, from removing, without liberty from him ; and any 
person found without a pass signed by l)im, was to be taken up 
and confined. Tliis prohibition was ap'^iroved by the General 
Court. 



25 

An allowance was made by the General Court, to Springfield, 
by an abateinant in the rates, for the great loss it had sustained, 
and the straights put to, of ,£150. Northampton was also abated 
£18 123. 6d. ; and Hadley £9 3s. 4d. Major Pynchon was re- 
munerated £128, by hi;n disbursed, and his expenses, £30. Not- 
withstanding tne severe loss sustained from this attack of the In- 
dians, the town evidently soon revived, and the number of inhab- 
itants increased. 

The treacherous conduct of the Indians here led to their ex- 
termination. In the course of the war, many were undoubtedly 
destroyed. The most of the survivors, in the course of a few 
years, removed to the westward. A few, and but a few, remain- 
ed, and disposed of their lands. The land on Longhill, and on 
the side of Aggavvam meadows, was taken possession of by right 
of conquest. Longhill was then called Forthill, and was after this 
granted by the town, and English settlements formed there. In- 
deed, this was through the country, to a great extent, a war of 
extermination. The severity exercised by the government to- 
wards the Indians, especially those that remained peaceable, and 
did not unite v^'ith Philip, cannot be justified. Eliott, the Indian 
apostle, made great exertions to protect his praying, or christian 
Indians, but his efforts were to a great degree vain. The Indians 
and squaws were sent away, June 24, 1675. At first, they were 
placed upon certain islands, and afterwards, by an order of the 
General Court, passed May, 1677, those which were in Massa- 
chusetts proper, exclusive of Plymonth colony, were to be confin- 
ed to four plantations ; Natick, Punkepaug (Stoughton,) Wassa- 
nemesit (Grafton,) and VV'amesit (Tevvksbury.) d'ookin, in his 
accounts, enumeraies in 1674, 1100. In Plymouth colony, they 
were more numerous and less rigorously treated. A vigilant su- 
perintendence v/as kept over tliem, after they were confined iri 
those towns. 

Seldom have any of the remnants of the ln(nans been seen here 
by any now living, unless when transiently passing through the 
town, from the west ; and those that have been here were, proba- 
bly, of the Mohegan, or Grafton tribes. Their degraded and 
miserable condition cannot fail to draw a sigh from every benevo- 
lent bosom.* 

Before the Indians had been subdued, an enemy, in many re- 
spects, more formidable, was setting itselt in arra) against the col- 
ony. The king of England manifested a determination to seize 
upon, and vacate the charter. This had been several times 

*A company of the Stockbrid^je Indians passed through this town, at th« 
commencement of therevolvitionary war. on thfir way to Roxbury 

4 



^6 

threatened : but in the year I6&3, a process of r/MO warranto vVas 
serverl. The cnnsoquence of a jiulgment in favor of the king, 
would have been to annul all proceediniis under it ; and to revest 
all the land within the colony, in the king's hands. But in order to 
quiet the peo|)le, and render the measure less unpopular, the pro- 
cess contained an express provision, that the private interests of 
individuals should be preserved, and no man receive any preju- 
dice in his freehold or estate. Judgment was the next year given 
in favor of the Crown, and the charter vacated. 

Belore judgment was given upon the quo warranto, at least be- 
fore it was known herp, some important measures were taken in 
this and some other towns, to obviate tb6 effect of annulling the 
charter. The town, though Enfield, SufReld, and Westfield, had 
been made separate towns, contained large quantities of con)mon 
and undivided lands. These the town claimed to hold and dis- 
pose of, as they thought proper. Probably not one tenth part of 
the land had been sold or divided. None of the pine plains or 
hills, had been granted. The tradition has always been, that the 
measure I am about to state, was taken in order to make the prop- 
erty the estate of individuals, to protect it from seizure. In Feb- 
ruary, 1685, but dated 1684, the town, in fdl meeting, passed a 
vote, that all lands on the east boundaries of the town, through the 
whole length of it, from north to south, extending on the east side 
of the river, four miles west, and on the west side extending east 
to boundaries particularly named, should be, and thereby were, 
granted to each [then] present inhabitant, his heirs and assigns, 
forever, according to certain proportions then stated. This after- 
wards formed the outward commons, including the greater part of 
Wilbraham, and Ludlow, on the east, and a great part of West 
Springfielil, on the west side of the river. The lands were to be 
laid out in five divisions, and every inhabitant to have an allot- 
ment in each of them. This was extremely inconvenient, and as 
between the different inhabitants of the town, a very impolitic 
and unjust division.* A man with a small property would have 
assigned to him five lots, each three or four miles long, and per- 
haps only a rod wide. 

It is hardly to be conceived that this coiu'se could have been 
pursued, had there not been some urgent and pressing necessity 
for it. S )on after this vote, the proprietors assumed the manage- 
ment of that land. The separate allotment of it was not comple- 
ted for many jears after : the last was in 1740. The records of 
these proprietors and their proceedings, are not in a good state of 

"Appendix M. 



27 

preservation. Probably, some of the original minutes may be 
lost. These lands lying so inconvenient to make farms, and it 
being very difficult to acquire all the titles, is, beyond question, a 
prominent reason for their being settled so much later than other 
parts of the town. At the time when the order above mentioned 
was made, it was in town meeting agreed, that all the common 
lands not included in the former vote, on both sides of the great 
river, should be to, or lie common to the [then] present inhabi- 
tants, their heirs and assigns forever ; and not to be granted out at 
any time, but by the joint consent of the inhabitants, in town 
meeting, orderly called. 

Resting upon this vote, the same persons who were made pro- 
prietors of the outward commons, undertook to hold meetings, and 
make grants of land, not in town meeting, but by the name o( the 
proprietors of the inward commons The town, indeed, after this, 
from time to time, granted out particular allotments, without op- 
position. In the year 1703, tiie town made extensive grants to 
the inhabitants of Longmeadow, on the town street, and oi the 
lands east of it. 

However, after sometime, the proprietors of the inward comnaons, 
in 1721, proceeded to allot a part of the common lands, appor- 
tioning them by the rule given in the vote of 1685. This excluded 
from any share in them, those who had removed into the lown af- 
ter that period, though present at the time of division. Occasional 
complaints were made, and when they could not be stifled, tiie 
proprietors would make grants, to quiet troublesome individuals. 

Perhaps it is not easy to determine what the precise meaning 
of the town was, by their vote. They meant to protect the land 
from forfeiture, and designed, also, that it should remain common. 
After the inward common grants were made, the town confirmed 
and ratified their proceedings. The books of the proceedings of 
both sets of proprietors, so far as they ai'e known to exist, are with 
the town clerk. A second allotment svas made by the proprietors 
in 1740, by a new rule, embracing nearly 400 persons. A third 
was made in 1754, by a different ratio^and including 544 persons. 

The exact situation of the land which the first settlers allotted 
here, before they altered it by cultivation, cannot be ascertained. 
As well from the appearance of the ground at present, as from the 
town records, it seems that the town brook, in its natural state, ran 
by the side of the meadows, through the town street, in the course 
in which it now runs. The vegetable matter dug up out of the 
meadow, shews that there was once ;i quantity of pine or hemlock 
timber, which covered the meadow east of the brook. Hemlock 
roots are now to be found in many parts of the meadow. There, 



28 

is a Iradition that the land on the liill, westward of Goose pond, 
had a very large and heavy growth of oak timber upon it ; that 
very large timber for the first or second meeting house, was 
cut therefrom. For many years past, it has given no evidence of 
having ever been oak or limber land. If it ever produced oak, 
the soil must have been 2;reatly weakened and almost destroyed, 
by repeated burnings. But there is great reason to doubt wheth- 
er the land near the town, was at first very heavily timbered. An 
early ordinance, made in 1647, for the preservation of the timber, 
notices the very great scarcity of timber for building, saiving, and 
for shingles ; and prohibits the carrying it out of town, to any other 
place. The prohibition to extend from Chicopee river to Fresh- 
water b-'ook, and to extend from Connecticut river six miles east. 
It may be fairly inferred, that when this order was made, the 
growth on the plains was sparse. 

i have already observed, that the manner of cultivating the 
cleared lands, was by throwing them into a common field, inclos- 
ing them with a general fence. This mode of cultivation, though 
probably the only one they could at first adopt, produced much 
dispute in regard to fences, cattle and swine. Some contending 
that cattle should be restrained to a later period, and others, that 
they should go into the fields early in the season. Gates were set 
up and maintained on the three passages to the river, at the upper, 
middle and lower wharves, and persons appointed to take charge 
of them. Common fields existed here beibre there were any stat- 
utes to regulate them. 

1 believe there is not under the colony charter, any record in 
the town books, of the choice of a deputy to the General Court. 
It is certain that they were generally chosen and attended. 1 have 
been at a loss to account for this omission. It is conjectured, 
however, that in this choice of a deputy, a magistrate presided. 
The Pynchons, father and son, were magistrates during the whole 
time. They presi(!ed in the election and kept the record of the 
choice. In fact, I find that in Mr. Pynchon's record book, these 
elections are, some of them, entered. Many other proceedings 
of the town are to be found only in that book. 

By tlie colony law, towns might choose a deputy either from 
their own town, or from another, and either for one session of the 
General Court, or for a year. This town, when there was no 
special reason for sending a member, elected one from Boston or 
its vicinity. By inspecting the records of the General Court, it 
appears that this was frequently the case. It is, therefore, not al- 
ways to be inferred from a man's being a representative of the 
town, that he belonged to it. It is apparent that the town consider- 



29 

ed the sending of a deputy ev^ery year, and twice a year, a burden. 
His expienses and his wages were to be paid by the town. There 
are charges in the accounts against the town, for a horse for tlie 
deputy to the Bay, and for horse keeping ; also, for the dep- 
uty's diet, and his wages. On several occasions, leave was 
given by the Court that he might be absent the second session. 
From the frequent recurrence of the grant of £4, for the deputy, 
I conjecture that this was the sum paid for one from Boston or its 
..vicinity. 

The municipal regulations which were very early adopted here, 
were very various and extensive. They embraced many things 
which were afterwards provided for by general statutes. In some 
cases, tliey probably were but transcripts of tiie laws ; and it is 
not always easy to separate those that were merely local, from 
those extending through the whole colony. The distance of this 
place from the seat of government at Boston, and the difficulty of 
access to it, made it more important that they should have a sys- 
tem of their own. These regulations were adopted from time to 
time, from their first fixing on this spot. They were reduced to 
a system February 5, 1650* ; but the date on the record is 1649. 
As they improved their lands so extensively in common, without 
partition fences, wl)ich I have already noticed, many of their 
regulations relate to fences, to the time and manner of pasturing 
their cattle, and the preveriting of damage by swine. Probably, 
these are not so interesting as some othei" parts of their bye-laws. 
Among their regulations, were three for security against fire ; re- 
quiring each householder to j)ave a ladder annexed to his bouse, 
to have his chimney swept, at stated periods, and a general prohi- 
bition against carrying fire al)road uncovered ; and penalties were 
annexed to the vio' -lion of these rules. Ignorant of their situation, 
on a cursory examination, we should, at the present day, be 
tempted to conclude they had been transcribed fiom the rules of 
some city, or populous town, without regard to the propriety of 
adopting them. But when the fact is known, that their houses and 
barns, and other buildmgs, were all covered with thatch ; that 
their chimneys were wooden frames, covered with mortar ; that 
girdled and dry trees, and wild thatch, and other wild grass, were 
scattered about their roads and fields ; the urgency of such regula- 
tions will be very apparent. There are others, which, at this day, 
appear quite as extiaordinary ; bijt we may not have as good 
grounds to judge of their propriety : whereas, if we knew all the 
inducements to establish them, ihey n)ight evince their wisdom 
and prudence. 

"Soo Appendix N. 



30 

Wliile tliere were a very few inhabitants, (only thirteen names 
being mentioned) they built a house lor the Rev Mr. iVloxon ; 
and in INlarch 20, 1638, passed the following order : "that in con-, 
sideration of certayne charges which the present inhabitants have 
been at for Mr. Moxon's house, and fensing his lott such as shall 
for future tyme come to inhabite in ye place shall beare a share in 
the like charges in proportion with ourselves." It seems they 
considered this as a permanent benefit, and that those that catne 
after them ought to bear a share of the burden. 

Several of the very early regulations indicate an anxiety about 
the scarcity of timber. There is one which not only shews this, 
but also what extent they appropriated for settling lots. October 
17, 1638, "it is ordered, [I presuuie by the selectmen,] with tha 
consent of the plantation, that from this day forward, noe trees 
shall be cut down, or taken away, by any man, in the compass of 
n-ound from the Mill river upward, to John Reader's lott [which 
by the original agreement, was the most northerly,] whith parsell 
of ground is appoynted for house lotts ; and in case any man shall 
trespass, contrary to this order, he shall be liable to the fine of fivQ 
shillings." 

Some other of the early regulations will better shew the state of 
society, than any description. 

November 23, 1638. "It is ordered that a foot path and stiles, 
be allowed at every man's lotts end next the greate river " 

February 14. 1639. "It is ordered that it shall be lawful for any 
inhabitant to fell any canoe trees and make them for his own use 
or for the use of any inhabitant, yt grow on ye common but not to 
sell or any ways pass av/ay any cannoe out of ye plantation untill 
it be five years old and in case any shall transgress this order afr 
tor this day he shall be lyable to a fine of twenty shillings" 

"Jt is also ordered yt it shall be lawfull <or any man to put over, 
horse, cowes or younger cattell on the other side of the river at 
the first of November and to take them away thence on the 14th of 
April, and if any shall trespass this order he shall be lyable to pay 
any damadgcs that shall appear to be done by his cattayle." 

"It is ordered that all yt have a ditch by the highway before their 
doors shall keep it well scoured for the ready passige of the water 
that it may not be pent up to flowe the meddowe." [The impor- 
tance of this will appear, when it is considered that the settlement 
was on the margin of a marsh, and any obstruction in the water 
course would be extensively injurious.] 

November 14, 1639. "It is mutually agreed on by the planta- 
tion that ye sealed Peck which Mr. Pynchon hath shall be the 
ordinary peck to bye and sell by in the plantation, and whoever 



SI 

Will may repavre to the constable and have his peck sealed paying 
him 2d. for his labor with ye seal." 

"It is also ordered, yt ye exercise of trayning shall be practiced 
one day, in every month ; and if occasions doe sometimes hinder 
then the like space of tyme shall be observed another tyme, 
though it be two days afier one another. And yt this tyme of 
trayniig is referred to ye discretion of Henry Smith, who is cho- 
sen by mutual consent to be Serjeant of the Company, who shall 
have power to choose a Corporal for his assistant. And whoso- 
ever shall absent himself without a lawful excuse, shall forfeit 
twelve pence, and yt all above 15 years of age shall be counted for 
soldiers and the time to begin the first Thursday in December 
next." 

"It is also mutually agreed on, yt no person in this plantation, 
slwll trade, give, or lend, to any Indian, any quantity of Powder, 
little, or greate, under ye penalty of 40s. for any tyme, yt any 
person shall be found a transgressor, in this kind." 

There are many regulations of wages and labor. The earliest 
follows : 

November 14, 1639. ''It is also agreed for the ordering of la- 
borers wages yt Carpenters shall have for 9 months 2s. 6d. per 
day and foi 3 montlis from ye 10th of November to the 10th of 
February 2s. per day. Mowers shall have 2s. 6d. per day. Saiv- 
ers 6s. 6d. per C ft. they to fall and hewe atid the owner to bring 
to the pitt. Also for husbandry or any ordinary labor to have 2s. 
per day for 9 months, only from the 24th of April till the 24th of 
June they are left to their liberty as men can agree widi them and 
for ye other 3 months, viz from November 10th till February 
10th, to have 18d. per day " 

The above shews that there were no saw mills here ; and it 
seems this was the case some years after ; for a new order as to 
the wages of Sawyers, was made November 17, 1642. "For the 
ordering of Sawyers wages workmen of this nature shall saw 
henceforth at 3s. 8d. per C ft. for boards and 4s. 4d. per C ft. for 
slitworke, ye timber to be brought home to ye pit and hewn and 
made ready, and if said workmen shall sawe timber and sell the 
boards they shall not exceed the price of 5s. 6d. per C ft, provided 
that if the pit be made, within the place of distance, yt is betwixi 
Mr Pynchons house and Samuel Wrights it shall be accounted as 
in the town." 

The license to fell canoe trees, without the consent of the plan- 
tation, was annulled, April 16, 1640; and a penalty of 20s. im- 
posed for every tree felled without license. 



32 

May 1, 1645. It was "voted, with the consent of the plantation, 
that whosoever shall take any mans canoe or vessel without his 
leave, sliall be lyabic to tlie fiiie of 2.s. 6d. for every such default." 

January 8, 1646. 'It is agreed by the plantation with John 
Matthews to beate the drum for the meetings for a years space at 
10 oj the dork on the lecture days and at 9 o'clock on the Lord's 
days, in the forenoons only, and he is to beate it from Mr. Moxons 
to R. Stebbins house, and ye meetings to begin within half an 
houre after, for which liis payns, he is to have 4d. in wampum of 
every family in the to^vn, or a peck of Indian corn if they have 
not wampum.''^ 

The rule of allotting and dividing the lands in the town, before 
the year 1685, is no where laid down, except what is stated in the 
original agreement, in 1636. A power was, however, given to 
persons designated from time to time, to admit inhabitants, and to 
make allotments of lands, according to the original agreement. 
This must have been done, in very many instances, without being 
entered on tlie town records. In regard to the greater part of the 
original settlers on the town street, the only evidence of their title 
is in the record of the town recorder ; and there is commonly 
neither the date of the grant, nor the time of recording, nientioned 
upon record. The entry is usually in this form : A. B. is by 
grant of the plantation, possessed of a house lot, 8 rods broad, and 
80 rods long, extending from the street to the river, and of a piece 
of meadow opposite thereto, of equal breadih, extending east from 
the street, 40 rods, to the fool of the hill, and of a wood lot in the 
rear tliereof, in the same direction, of the same breadth, extending 
east 80 rods ; and also, of a lot over against his house lot, on the 
west side of the river, extending from the great river to Aggawam 
river, all bounded on the north by C. D. and on the south by E. F, 

There were about forty original bouse lots granted on the town 
street. I have taken some pains to ascertain the names of the 
original settlers, and the order of their allotments.* The grants 
were, probably, all made between (he yf-ar 1636 and 1652. It is 
evident that many of those who had house lots, were not here for 
several years after the first setdement. In two rates made Janua- 
ry, 1639, there are only 13 assessed. Two years afterwards, al- 
lotments of planting grounds were made to 17 persons ; and in 
1643, there were 22. In 1646,42 persons were assessed to pay 
for the purchase of the Indians ; and there were 6 vacant lots also 
assessed. In 1656, there were 52 who had taken the oath of fi- 
delity. In 1664, there were recorded as admitted inhabitants, 74 

"See Appendix E 



83 

persons. These were all that were in the different parts of the 
town.* 

When Mr, IMoxon determined to leave the town, his real estate 
was purchased, and appropriated to tlie use of the ministry. After 
he left the country, many efforts were made to procure a settled 
minister. Fn the year 1655, the town voted that Mr. Thomson, 
"during his continuance a preaching minister in Springfield, should 
possess the ministry house and lot, bought of Mr. Moxon, for the 
time he should continue among them, in dispensing the word of 
God, and carrying on the place of a preaching elder" ; and to give 
him £50 a year, and to increase it to £60. At this time, an or- 
der was made, that the rates should be assessed on the value of 
the property owned by each inhabitant. And further, it was 
concluded "that it is meete and requisite that every person should 
allow some maintenance to the ministry though not possessed of 
land or estate to rate him thereto, and therefore it was agreed that 
every person being at his own hand, and not a son or servant, who 
hath noe land, or estate, or whose land or estate doth not amount 
to 5s. in the year in the rate, that every such person sliould be 
liable to pay to the ministers maintenance five shillings per annum." 

The next year, Mr. Thomson left the place, and a committee was 
appointed to devise means to procure a minister ; and in the mean 
time it was voted by the town, "that v/hereas Deacon Wright on 
the Lord's day was chosen to dispense the word of God in this 
place, till some other should be got for that work, that Deacon 
Wright should have for his labor in that employment 50s. per 
month for such time as he attends on the work." Again, in No- 
vember of the same year, a vote was passed "to allow Deacon 
Wright, Deacon Chapin, Mr. Holyoke, and Henr}^ Burt, £12 for 
their past services in the Lord's work on the Sabbath, to be dis- 
tributed by the selectmen ; and that in future they would allow at 
the rate of £50 a year,f till such time as they should have a settled 
minister, to be distributed and ordered by the selectmen." 

A similar course was taken the next year ; and Mr. Holyoke 
and Henry Burt, were appointed to carry on the work of the 
Sabbath ; and if they were disabled, Deacon Chapin was to sup- 
ply their place. In November, 1657, Mr. Holyoke was made 
choice of, as the record expresses it, "to carry on the work of the 
Sabbath, once every Sabbath day, which he accepts of; Mr Pyn- 
chon is made choice of for one part of the day, once a fortnight, 

^Appendix D. 

tThis, I think, a handsome compensation for those days, and not a trifling 
sum. It was given for leading the devotional exercisps, and reading a sermon 
"^n the Sabbath. 

5 



84 

which he will endeavor to attend, sometimes by reading; notes, and 
soinetimes by his own meditations, till March next." Deacon 
Chapin and Henry Bmt, were chosen "to carry on the other part 
of the day, once a fortnight, to be allowed at the rate of £40 a 
year." 

In 1659, a Mr. Hooker was here as a preacher, and efforts were 
made to settle him, but without success. According to the date 
on the records, February, 1659, but evidently 1660, tlje Rev. Mr. 
Peletiah (ilk)ver was hero as a minister, and the town voted him 
a salary of £60, if he would stay out the year. Mr. Glover re- 
mained here as the settled minister, many years. 

The above instances of designating lay exhorters, and agreeing 
to pay them for their services, are not very common, and would 
not be thought very regular, at this time. In 1660, the town 
agreed thai Mr. Glover should have the parsonage and £80 a year, 
as a salary. 

After Mr. Glover's house was burnt down by the Indians, the 
town b' ilt him a new one. Ii appears, by the items of ch'.rge, 
thai brick were used for the chimney. The house was fortified, 
and, probably, the roof shingled. The cost of the house was 
£108. 15s. It is apparent from the records, that brick were made 
in the town ; for mer)tion is made, in the year 167:2, in a grant of 
land, of a reservation of the clay pits thereon, and of a passage 
to them. It is probable brick were first made here when Mr. 
Pynchon built his brick house, which is now standing. This was 
about the year 1660. That house, when first built, compared 
with those around ii, must have appeared like some Baron's castle. 
The red free sione, which was so abundant in the eastern part of 
the town, was used in underpinning that house. It lias been tlie 
tradition, that the use of that stone, and the manner of working it, 
was lost for nearly a century. The stone that was used for build- 
ing and other purposes, was taken from the streams, and was very 
different from that brougiit from the plains* 

Before the town was burnt, it had been determined to build a 
new meeting house. A place was designated for it, further west 
than the first one stood. A contract was made for land for that 
purpose, wiih the owner of the house lot north of the old one j 
and the meeting house was fixed very nearly in the place where 
the one which was removed in 1819, stood. It was not built till 
1677. It was 50 by 40 feet, high enough for galleries, when they 
should be needed ; uas underpinned with stone, and cost about 
£400 of the currency at tliat time. It was fortified, as was the 

*ln granting tlio Innd at the mouth of the Pecowsiok, a reservation was made 
of th« Btone on the flats in Connecticut rivor. 



35 

grist mill ; and the town, for some years, kept a garrison in the 
latter. At this period, iho style of buikliug began very much to 
improve. Probably the houses erected after the Indians had 
burnt the town, were better built, though many of them were 
thatched. They were all with high peaked roofs, and when glass 
was used at all, it was the small diamond glass, set in lead. 

Mr. Glover continued in the ministry here till his death. The 
record of his death is, "The Rev'd Peletiah Glover fell asleep in 
Jesus, March 29, 1692." The town very soon after, invited Mr. 
John Haines to be their minister ; but though repeatedly urged, 
he declined to settle here. The town seems not to have been 
very successful in the setiletnent of a minister ; but there are two 
things remarkable in their conduct First, that they did not relax 
their efforts ; and secondly, while destitute of a minister, they reg- 
ularly and constantly had public worship. 

Not succeeding with Mr Haines, they passed the following 
vote : "Voted to send Captain Thomas Colton, and Serjeant 
Luke Hitchcock to the Bay for the procuring a minister, to preach 
the word of God to this town ; and that they apply themselves to 
the Rev'd the President of the College, with the rest of the elders 
in Boston, for their help lor the obtaining a minister that mny pro- 
mote conversion worJc among U5." In consequence of this mes- 
sage, the Rev. Daniel Brewer, of Roxbury, came and was settled 
here in the year 1694. 

For the regulation of society, and the promotion of good mor- 
als, the General Court, in 1675 and 1677, passed several laws, 
with a view of adopting the system of Alfred the Grtat, by direct- 
ing tythingmen to be appointed in each town, who should each 
have the inspection often or twelve families, and prosecute for all 
transgressions of the laws within their several districts. Such of- 
ficers were chosen in this town, their districts assigned then), and 
their duties enjoined by the county court. There were 4 tythings, 
or districts of that name, in the year 1678, within the bounds of 
the present town of Springfield ; one in Longnieadow, and two in 
West Springfield. These tythingnien had not only to enforce the 
laws respecting the Sabbath, and licensed houses, and the use of 
spirituous liquors, but were to see that no person v\as abroad 
from home after nine o'clock at night. How strictly the duty 
enjoined them was performed. I have no means of ascertaining. 

The sumptuary laws, which restrained and regulated the appar- 
el and dress of the inhabitants, appear to have been very much 
disregarded. The court records are full of complaints, that the 
law against wearing silks, was not enl'orced in this, and some of 
the other towns. 



36 

While there were, apparently, great exertions made to oblige 
children to attend meeting on the Sabbath, and to behave with de- 
cency and reverence during the time of public worship, and no 
small pains were taken to prevent their being out at unseasonable 
hours, or in improper company, I have not been able to find that 
so much attention was paid to schooling, as I had expected. A 
tract of land at the lower end of Chicopee plain, on the west side 
of the great river, was appropriated by the town, in the year 1654, 
"either for the helping to maintain a schoolmaster or ruling elder, 
or to help beare any other town charges." This land was many 
years let out, and the income expended in schooling. One of the 
turrets of the meeting house, was sometime occupied for a school 
room. The first school house was built in 1C79. The house 
was 22 feet by 17 ; the studs were 8 1-2 feet, and there was a 
chamber in it. From ten to twelve pounds, were annually paid 
to a schoolmaster. The house was first erected in the way to the 
upper wharf; probably, with a view to accommodate scholars on 
the west side of the river, especially in the winter. This was af- 
terwards removed, and rebuilt at the middle of the town, near 
where the first meeting house stood, but on the spot on which 
Daniel Lombard's store now stands. 

Other schools were kept in the town, as the inhabitants in- 
creased in the different parts of it. An entry, of the following 
tenor, is made in tlie book of selectmen's orders, in the year 1G82. 
"The selectmen agreed with Goodwife Mirrick to encourage her 
in the good work of training up children and teaching children to 
read that she should have 3d. a week for every child that she takes 
to perform this excellent work for." The defect of schooling, for 
the first forty years afier the town was settled, is apparent, in the 
number of persons who could not write their names, and in the 
very great number of bad writers and spellers. From the com- 
mencement of the last century, provision has been made for sup- 
porting public schools ; and with veiy short intermissions, a gram- 
mar school, as well as others, have been kept. 

There is one other subject in the early history of the town, upon 
which information might be graiifying to the inhabitants — that of 
roads and bridges ; and there is r;o one sulject niore involved in 
uncertainty. The town designated the selectmen, or other per- 
sons, to lay out highways and roads. For many years there was 
no county authority ; and after county courts were established, 
the records for 30 or 40 ^ears, aie not to be found. A surveyor's 
compass was not used here, for the first 60 or 70 years. The 
monuments referred to in laying the roads, were most of them 
perishable. It is, therefore, very difficult to trace an old road. 



37 

unless it has been new laid. The road through the street, is only 
incidenluUy mentioned. It seems to have been the starting point, 
on which all the house lots were boimded. It was to extend from 
against Mr. Pynchon's, downwards, 4 rods from the east side of 
the brook, till the brook passes into the meadow, opposite the 
house of widow Marble. This road was continued to, and through 
the Longmeadow. At first, only 40 rods of ground were reserved 
for the meeting house. In February, 1644, a purchase was made 
of two acres and a half, for a training place, which was afterwards 
appropriated for a burying ground, and is still used for that pur- 
pose ; and two rods were appropriated to go to the meeting house. 
This was, h-om time to time, enlarged. A road of one and a half 
rods, at first, was made to the training place, which was soon in- 
creased to two rods, and afterwards farther widened. The pas- 
sages through the meadow, east of the street, were difficult, and 
it was long before they became very good. At first, there was an 
order that a highway, two rods wide, should be laid out through 
the hassekey meadow, where State street now is. 

Among the duties of the surveyors, is designated that of making 
a horse way across the meadow, to the bay path ; and in the year 
1648, it was "agreed by the town, that those who would join, to 
make a cart way there, should have liberty to bar it up, and to 
take Ad. a load of any that cart over that way who have not join- 
ed in making it." 

I have not been able to find any trace of the laying out, or 
making of the road to the Bay, as it was called, or the road to 
Boston. That what is called the old bay road, was made and 
used very early, is very evident, from various occasional re- 
ferences to it, in the records.* It is worthy of remark, that 
all the roads at and near the centre of the settU ment, were made 
very narroAv ; in some instances, only two rods wide, and in no 
case, exceeding four rods. But the roads at a distance from the 
settlement, were made, in several instances, twenty, in others ten, 
and in no case, less than eight rods wide. This is to be account- 
ed for, only by a reference to their h;;bits aiid customs. The 
streets in the centre were narrow, becaust they esteemed the land 
too valuable, or the difiiculty ol njaking wide roads too great, to be 
very broad ; and the roads more remote, were lelt wide to accom- 
modate the inhabitants with pasturing. 1 his reason is, in several 
instances, expressly assigned for laying the roads so broad. It 
was a part ol their comnion law, whatever might be the opinion 
o{ courts and laivyem, that the inhabitants had a right to turn their 

*Sec Appendix O. 



38 

cattle oil to the commons and roads. It fs not more than 40 Oi 
50 years, since it was a very extensive practice for farmers to turn 
iheir cattle on to the commons in the spring, and to take them 
home in autumn. Usually, this was done at the opening oflhe 
common fields, in October.* 

Before proceeding with the history of the town, it may be prop- 
er to notice the subject of the contest between Massachusetts and 
Connecticut, respecting certain parts of the town of Springfield. 
I have already stated that Enfield, Suffield, and Somers, were 
originally settled as a part of Springfield, and under Massachusetts 
jurisdiction. Not only these towns, but a considerable portion of 
Wilbraham, Longmeadow, West Springfield, and Southwick, were 
claimed by Connecticut. This claim was resisted on the part of 
Massachusetts. The state of the controversy has been very much 
misunderstood, and in some instances, much misrepresented by 
those who ought to have known better. The whole, however, 
having been now amicably adjusied between the two states, h is 
no further important than as matter of history ; and it may be 
material that the conduct of those concerned, should be vindica- 
ted from aspersion and misrepresentation. 

After various fruitless attempts, an agreement between the two 
state governments was made in 1713, that tiie charter line should 
be run in a way agreed upon ; and that, let the charter line pass in 
one place or another, certain towns mentioned, which had been 
settled by Massachusetts, should belong to that province, and cer- 
tain others to Connecticut ; and ibatan equivalent should be given 
in other lands. As the line was ihen run, it took a part of what is 
now Wilbraham, Longmeadow, West Springfield, and Southwick, 
with all the lands south of them, into Connecticut ; and the line ac- 
cording to the agreement was established, and monuments erected. 
This running was ratified, and Connecticut received a grant of 
equivalent lands, and sold them and received the avails ; part o. 
which constitute a portion of Yale college funds. This line, as 
thus ratified, was acquiesced in, and the jurisdiction over the pur- 
chased and ceded teiritory, continued as before, to be exercised 
by Massachusetts, till about the year 1748. At this period, the 
lowns of Enfield, Suffield, and Somers, united v\ith Connecticut 
The claim of Massachusetts to them was formally renounced to 
Suffield, and a part of Southwick, in the year 1803 ; and her claim 
to the other part of Southwick, then in dispute, and also to the 
whole of West Springfield, was confirmed b> Connecticut. On 
the east side of the river, the right to the towns of Somers and 

^Appendix P. 



S9 

Enfield^ was, in 1826, ceded to Connecticut, and the right to that 
oart of Wilbrahatn and Longnieadow, whicli vvassoutli of the col- 
ony line, confirmed to Massaciiusetts. The most ancient grants 
of land in Enfield and Suffield, are to be found only in the records 
here and at Boston. 

Having made such observations as have occurred to me, in re- 
lation to the more ancient regulations, I proceed with the history 
of the town. 

Soon after tiie Rev. ^Nlr. Brewer was settled here, the people on 
the west side of the river, feeling the inconvenience of passing the 
river in a boat, to meeting, upon application to the General Court 
in the year 1696, were incorporated as the second parish in 
Springfield, with a provision tliat the lands in the common field, 
should be taxed either in the first or second parish, as ihey were 
owned. Very soon afterwards they settled a minister, and built 
a meeting house. 

In the year 1713, Longnieadow was incorporated as a separate 
parish, by the name of the third parish, including ail that part of 
the town south of a line rimning east from the mouth of Pecow- 
sick. In a short time afterwards, they proceeded to build a meet- 
ing house, and in 1716, settled a minister. 

Soon after the decease of the Rev Mr. Brewer, the first parish, 
in 1734, voted to settle the Rev. Robert Breck. This measure 
created the most bitter and violent animosities. The majority of 
the church and people were warinl}- attached to him ; a respectable 
minority in both, were very mucli opposed to hin>. The contest 
on the subject involved not only the clergy, far and near, but the 
civil authority of the county and of the province. The principal 
objections were to the correctness of Mr. Breck's theological sen- 
timents. Most of the neighboring clergy were against him. Af- 
ter various attempts to procure his ordination, he was finally set- 
tled in the beginning of the year 1736. He published his confes- 
sion of taith, in connection with Dr. Cooper's ordination sermon. 
Judging from that, and candor ought to induce a belief that he 
then published his real sentiments, it would seem that even strict 
Calvinists could not object to his creed. Those who were most 
active in opposing him, were soon reconciled, and many of them 
became his warm friends. During his long ministry, the church 
and parish were well united in him. 

That part of the town which is now Wilbrahan), was not im- 
proved so early as other parts not better for cultivation. This 
was owing, in some degree, at least, to the lots being laid out in 
such long and narrow strips. As far as I can learn, the first sct- 
tJements were begun in 1731. They had so much increased, and 



40 

30 great was the distance from the centre of the old parish, that in 
1740, the)' were incorporated as the fourth parish in Springfield. 
This parish embraced only the second and tiiird divisions of the 
outward commons. It was commonly known by the name (»f the 
mountain parish, or Springfield mountains. In the year 1741, 
they settled a minister, and in 1748, built a meeting house. 

In the year 1750, the first parish being about to build anew meet- 
ing house, the former one not being large enough, the people in 
the north part of the town, on both sides of Connecticut river, 
were incorporated inlo a separate parish, by tlie name ol'the fifth, 
or Chicopee parish. The general boundary on the east side of 
Connecticut river, was Chicopee river. In 1742, a minister was 
settled, and soon aftervvards, a meeting house built in that parish, 
on the east side of the river. In the year 1757, the south west 
part of the town was made a parish, by the name of the sixth par- 
ish. Tills included what is now Aggawam, or Feedinghills ; and 
in 1762, a minister was settled there. The same provision was 
then made with regard to the taxation of the lands in the mead- 
ows, or common field, as had been adopted wiien the second par- 
ish was incorporated. 

In the year 1763, the eastern part of the town, including the 
mountain parish and half a mile west of it, was made a district by 
the name of Wilbraham, having all the powers of a town, except- 
ing the privilege of sending a representative, in which they were 
to unite with Springfield. 

For many years, the town had existed in great harmony, and 
as few local or sectional dissentions and jealousies appeared, in the 
transaction of public business, as are ever found. The public bu- 
siness was transacted at the centre of the first parish, and gener- 
ally, the public oflicers chosen from the various parts of the town. 
The public town offices were all kept at the centre of the iirst 
parish. For some years, however, before the year 1773, it was 
apparent that the seeds of dissention were sown ; and they sprung 
up from time to time. The method of dividing the school money, 
the plan of holding town meetings, and of keeping the grammar 
school, were subjects of contest. The parish of Longmeadow, 
and those on the west side of Connecticut river, united against the 
first parish. Chicopee was divided. In transacting the ordinary 
town business, parties were nearly balanced : commonly there was 
a small majority against the first parish. In choosing representa- 
tives, Wilbraham united with the first parish, and made a majority. 
Contention, whenever any efforts were made to transact town bu- 
siness, became constant and violent. For a year or two, the town 
meetings were holden on the west side of the river, and the town 



41 

records kept there. In one instance, when the choice of munici- 
pal officers was attempted, after spending four days, only a part of 
them were chosen. 

It was very evident that the inhabitants could not proceed har- 
moniously together. Probably, all parties were to blame. When 
a poll was required upon every vote, a permanent session, to 
transact the business commonly done in one day, would be re- 
quisite. Various proposals were made, and at length, at the re- 
commendation of the more moderate and judicious, from ihe va- 
rious parts of the town, a vote was passed to submit the case to 
three impartial and respectable men, from a distance. They 
were the Hon. Era^tus VVolcott, of Windsor; William Williams, 

of Hatfield ; and Joseph Root, Esq. of . The referees 

met, and after a full hearing of all parties, they made known their 
judgment, that the town sliould be divided into two towns, by 
Connecticut river ; slating the terms on which that division 
should be made, providing, as had been before done in regard to 
the parishes, that the lands in the common field, or meadow, should 
be taxed in the town in which the owner lived. They also re- 
commended that the north east part of the town should be made 
into a separate town ; and declared that it was not expedient that 
any other division should take place. When this report was made 
known to the town, it was, by a major vot(^ rejected ; and the 
town determined to oppose such a division. Upon the petition 
of the first parish, the General Court, after a full hearing, carried 
into effect this report ; and in February, 1773, West Springfield 
was incorporated into a separate town, upon the terms recommen- 
ded. Ludlow was also made a separate town at the same time. 
Ludlow included all that part of the outward commons which lay- 
northerly of Chicopee river, and all the land north of that river, 
extending one mile and an half wcbt of the outward commons. 

I have slated the facts in tliis case, because some have repre- 
sented the transaction as an extraordinary one. it has been said, 
that the ujajority were set otf into a new town, at the request of a 
minority. This is not true : Springfield then contained more in- 
habitants than VVest Springfield The terms of division, especial- 
ly as to the right of taxing, have been said to be unjust. Neither 
is this true : the land in the general field, owned on the east side 
of the river, were generally in the actual occupation of the owner ; 
and in the mode of access, and cuhivation, and getting the crops, 
usually practised, they passed through no other part of the town, 
and had no beni.fits of their roads, schools, ^c. Excepting the 
inconvenience of passing ihe river, they were as near the owners, 
on the east side of the river, in many instances, as to the settle- 
6 



42 

inents on the west. Tn many cases, the lands were laid oirt, anA 
always occupied as appendages to the lioiise lots on the east side 
of the river. That, including a part of the inhabitants on the east 
side of the river, a majority of tlie town were against a division, 
must be admitted. 

The bitterness which this division occasioned, lasted for several 
years. An alteration was made in the law in regard to taxes, and 
1 believe, the towns are now as amch in peace as other towns. In 
the year 1783, Longineadow was made into a separate town, by 
the parish lines. 

During the revolutionary war, the town did not very much in- 
crease. It felt, in common with the country in general, the pres- 
sure of the struggle for independence. But in that period, a foun- 
dation was laid for much of its subsequent increase and present 
prosperity. In the time of the war, this was a recruiting: post and 
a rendezvous for soldiers. Being centrally situated easy of ac- 
cess, and at the same time so far inland as to be out of the reach of 
sudden invasions of the enemy, it was, early in the war, fixed upon 
as a suitable place for making and repairing the various munitions of 
war, and a depot for military stores. At first, the whole was con- 
fined to Wain street. The various artificers employed, had their 
shops where they could find a convenient place, and resided them- 
selves in that part of the town. The laboratory for cartridges, and 
for thevarious fire works manufactured on such occasions, was in the 
barn then owned by Ebenezer Siebbins, on the place novv owned 
by Dr. Kingsbury, south of Festus Stebbins'. After two or three 
years, the public works were removed on to the hill, where they 
novv are. Tnis was done gradually, in the years 1778 and 1779, 
as accom nodations could be found. At first, with the exception 
of the powder masiazine, the vvl)ole of the public buildings were 
placed upon a square of ten acres, on the land appropri^-ted by 
the towu for a training field. A fv.w cannon were cast here during 
that war, but no small arms were manufactured till after the peace 
of 1783. At the chjse of the war, the workmen employed were 
discharged, and the arsenals, magazine and shops, were left in the 
charge of a store keeper. 

When the object of making arms was under consideration of 
till' national government- in the year 1794, the convenience of the 
place, and the arsenals, magazines and shops, already here, were 
a sufficient inducement to establish the national arujory here : 
This was done. At different periods since that time, lands have 
been purchased, and erections made, for the public accon)moda- 
tion. Ti)is establishment has, without question, been one great 
source of the prosperity of the town. 



43 

But, in the cbeqnerpd scenes of life, we have presented to 
view some shade, as well as sunshine. The various transactions 
which took place here, in the attempt forcibly to prevent the exe- 
cution of the lawsj ought not to be unnoticed. Though it might 
be necessary a, id expedient, under the then existing circumstances, 
forcibly to stop the sitting of the courts of Justice, in the year 1774, 
yet it had a tendency, and in some instances pioduced the effect, 
to unhinge pf-ople's minds, and to generate a spirit of insubordina- 
tion. Tlie people, at the close of the revolutionary war, in this 
part of the country, were very heavily burdened. Their debts 
were great, and taxes enormous. The different times and occa- 
sions, when an armed and organized force was seen in our streets, 
to prevent the regular administration of justice, from the year 1783 
to 1736, I shall not undertake to detail. I think, however, it 
woidd be iinproper to pass, without notice, some of the events con- 
nected with this town, that took plare at what is called tlie ins n'- 
rection, or Shay's insurrection. Passing over what had occurred 
before, in the winter of the year 1787, large bodies of men, were 
collected from various quarters, organized as a military force. 
Daniel Sliays assumed the general command. From various 
quarters, the insurgents all seemed to be centred at Springfield. 
Shays himself, had the command of a targe body collected east- 
ward of this town. Luke Day had also a large force in West 
Spriugficld. A third party, under Eli Parsons, were at Chicopee. 
The object was, beyond doubt, to possess themselves of tlie mili- 
tary stores and arms, at the arsenal here. In arms and amu.u;ii- 
tion they were quite deficient. A considerable force, by order of 
government, under the command of Major General Sbepard, was 
stationed at the stores, with orders to defend and protect them. 

The plan of Shays was, that all three of these bodies should, 
from different quarters, at the same time, attack the troops at the 
arsenal. This was good policy ; and had it been carried into ef- 
fect, the town might have been destroyed, or gready injured. 
Nothing so much like impending destruction, had taken place since 
the burning of the town, by the Indians. But the same kmd 
Providence that had before mercifully interposed, now turned the 
wise counsel into foolishness. Shays sent a message to larsons 
and Day, informing them that he should be at the stores, at an ap- 
pointed hour of the next day, and requesting them to meet him 
there. Day, for some reason now unknown, or without reason, 
sent back, that he should not be ready to go that day, but would 
be there the next. Day's message was intercepted, and the mesr 
senger detained, though unknown to either oi them. 



44 

At tlie time appointcid, notwithstanding repeated cautions and 
assurances from Shepard, that his approach would he treated as a 
liostile attack, Shays, with his party in close column, drew near 
the arsenal, and was fired upon by Shepard, and the party soon 
dispersed. Day and liis party; in the meantime, were entirely 
ignorant of the proceedings here. Though the distance was not 
more than two miles, in a direct line, the firing of the cannon was 
not heard, or noticed, at West Springfield. The inhabitants of 
this town had most of them removed : many of tliem were, a 
second time, inducied to flee in the dead of night ; but, in fact, diere 
was no danger. 

This was one of the most unpleasant occurrences in our history. 
To see brethren and neighbors in hostile array against each other, 
and a civil war commencing, was most distressing. Happily.^ it 
terminated without much bloodshed : and He who can bring good 
out of evil, so overruled it, that this insurrection aided to lead to 
the adoption of the Federal Constitution. 

There is one other event in our history, vvhich I may notice ; 
which is, the removal of all the courts from this place, to JNorth- 
ampton, in the year 1793. This town had, froin the first settle- 
ment, been a place for the administration of justice. After the 
county was formed, a part of the courts had always been holden 
here. This event, it was supposed, would have an unfavorable 
effect upon the town. It was considered that the removal of courts 
from a place where they had long been holden, and where busi- 
ness was arranged with that view, would be prejudicial, even though 
it were admitted that the original establishment of them in a place 
might be injurious. Tt is difficult to determine what the actual 
consequences were; for the Armory was first established the 
year after, and contributed to prevent any injuiious effects from 
being ap})arent. The re-establishment of courts here, in 1813, 
shews very plainly, that the town has not sustained injury, by 
again becoming a shire town. 

The agency which this town had in effecting the settlements 
about it, may possibly be better understood, by bringing them into 
one view. It appears from the records of the General Cotnt, that 
the settlement at JNorthampton, was begun upon the petition of the 
inhabitants of Springfield, and others, in the year 1G53. Mr. 
Pynchon and Mr, Holyoke, two of the petitioners, with Samuel 
Chapin, were appointed to lay out the lands at Marvvolluck, or 
Nanatuck, for it is spelt both ways, either on the west side, or 
east side of the river, not appropriating more than 100 acres to 
one person. This was done, and in 1654, a report of the proceed- 
ings of the agents was made. They settled the west side of the 



45 

river. Whether there were many actual settlers removed thither 
from this place, 1 have not ascertained. Pynchon had, however, 
large grants of land there. He was tlie agent to huy of the Indi- 
ans, and one of the superintcndants of the plantation, for several 
years. Hadley, at first embracing both sides of the river, was in 
the course of a year or two afterwards, disposed of in the same 
way. In regard to Westfield, Enfield, and Sufficld, the case was 
somewhat different. As these places were annexed to Springfield, 
and composed a part thereof, the town, from time to time, made 
grants of land to individuals. 

As to Westfield, the earliest that I find of any grant, is January 
7, 1655, when a grant was mavie to several persons, of lands at 
Woronoco ; and the town agreed that the lands there should be 
rated only half so much as in the other parts of the town, for 6 
years. In the year 1663, still farther, and more extensive grants 
were made there, both on the northerly and southerly side of the 
river, upon condition the grantees build and settle thereon, in one 
year, and reside there four years. Some of these grants were to 
persons from Windsor, but most of them from Springfield. That 
town was incorporated April 14, 1670. Acouimitiee was appoint- 
ed b} the town of Springfield, to lay it out, and grant out house 
lots. At first, it was only 6 miles square, or equivalent thereto, 
making the line 9 miles one way. This was confirmed by the 
General Court. 

Several of the inhabitants of Springfield, had grants of land on 
the way to Windsor. The earliest that I find, is in the year 1664. 
In 1669, a number of grants were made. It is stated, that if it 
were well ordered and managed, the land about Stony river might 
make a fine village, or small plantaiion. In 1670, upon the peti- 
tion of several inhabitants of Springfield, the court grant a tract of 
6 miles square, for a ))lantation, or township ; provided that in 5 
years there be 20 liamilies ; and that they procure some able and 
faithful minister, and maintain him there. IMr. Pynchon and five 
other inhabitants of S[)ringfield, were authorized to divide, allot 
and grant out the lands there. 

Tliough grants of land by the town of Springfield, were made 
much earlier and more exlensivrly at Freshwaitr, oi- Enfield, 
than at Suffield, it happened that Enfield was incorporated at a 
later period. This was done in the year 1683, upon the petition, 
as the record states, of Springfield proprietors, extendmg six 
miles down Connecticut river, Irom the mouth of Longmeadow 
brook, and easterly ten miles jrom the river. JMajor P) iiclion and 
others, were authorized to grant out lots and admit inhabitants. 

The order of the General Court, in regard to Norwottuck, 
[Hadley,] is worth noticing. It is stated, that "the persons peti- 



46 

tioning to remove into this colony, had begun to remove into Nor- 
wottuck, and made some beginning in regard to a plantation on 
the east side of the river, in order to a plantation, and that there 
are many desirable persons having a great vvisli to go along with 
them, who may in time be joined to that church ; for their lurtlier 
help in tlie ministry wheieby they are enabled not only to carry 
on a town but chiux-h work also, the court grant their desire 
and appoint persons to lay out the town so as shall be most 
suitable for the cohabitation and full supply of those people, that 
this wilderness may be popnla'ed, and ihe main ends of our com- 
ing into these parts promoted." 

In reviewing tiie history of the town, while there have been a 
good proportion of j)ersons of respectable talems inul education, I 
can point to no one who lias attained the highest r.mk. John 
Pynchon, Esq maiy, perhaps, with one exception, be considered 
as more above his fellows, than any other of ihe inhabitants. He 
was born in England, and was a child when his father came to this 
country. Wliere he was educated, is to me unknown. He was 
distinguished in peace and in war. He seems to have been more 
employed as a negociator with the Indians, than any other one. 
He was long a magistrate and assistant, and many years a judge. 
Perhaps he was more co fided in by the towu, than any oiher 
man. In the town records, and also, in the county court records, 
he is spoken oi in the st) le of '7/te worship/vl Major,'''' or "fAe 
ivorshipful Major Pynchon." He died in iliis town, at an advan- 
ced age. 

The exception made above, refers to the I on. John Worthing- 
ton. His education, and the circuii sianct s ol the country, were 
so extremely difierent from that ol INir. P}nchon's, that it would 
be impossible to compare the two men. His talents, had he taken 
the popular and prevailing side, at the commencement of the rev- 
olution, would probably, have obtained lor him the highest honors 
in the state. 

The town has increased, not only beyond the ideas of the first 
associates, but far beyor;d the cxpt ctaiions ol many of the pres- 
ent generation. By the last census, there weie within the lin its 
of the towm, as it was in 1G70, no less than 21,581 souls. Vvithin 
the limits of the present town, by the 

Census of 1791, there were 1,574 
" 1800, " " 

" IblO, " " 2,7G7 

" 1820, " " 3,914 

" May, 1827, '« «' 5,788 
Probably, at this time, the population exceeds 6,000. 



47 

The increase of Inhabitants is not more remarkable than the 
settlements eastward of the town brook. Persons now living, can 
remember when the number of dwelling houses on State street, 
were only seven, and three or four on Maple street, and not a 
single one on the hill. On Main street, there were but one or two 
houses east of the brook : tlie meadow had a few shops on its 
margin. The place wiiere the Town Hall stands, was a deep 
marsh, and the water was frequenih standing there in great depth. 

To recur to the building ol tliis house, with which I began. It 
ought to be recollected, that the town, more than a century since, 
contributed hugely to building the old Court House, and had a 
right to use it for town purposes. That builduig being so small 
that it could not contain near all the legal voters in the town, it 
was manifestly proper that a suitable place should be provided. 
That this may long continue a place where the inhabitants may 
peaceably assemble, and transact their municipal concerns, is most 
ferv'enlly to be wished. In order to this, a most important duty 
devolves on you. In tracing the history of the town, from the 
first to the present hour, we may fairly claim that it has been as 
well united as almost any other place. Still there are some things 
which, on review, can afford no pleasure There are some 
dark spots in the picture. If we wish tu avoid the mistakes we, or 
those before us, have committed, and the faults of which we have 
been guilty, we must, in concert, seek the things vvhich make for 
peace. Mutual concession must be made ; jealousies and heart- 
burnings must be suppressed. If a fire is seen to be kindling, it 
must, without delay, be quenched. One section ol the town must 
not claim more than its fair proportion of advantage. The terri- 
tory of the town is extensive, and the different sections must feel 
theinselves to compose one whole, and seek, not the good of a 
particular neighborhood, but that of the whole town. A body so 
numerous as the voters in tliis town, cannot think alike, on all sub- 
iecis. A readiness to give others the same privilege of expressing 
ireely their opinions, vvhich we claim for ourselves, is all-impor- 
tant. Efforts to keep order in ourselves, and others, are also re- 
quisite. Experience and observation have taught us how easily 
strife and angry passions may be excited, and it is the duty of all 
to avoid, as far as possible, the occasions of offence. 

It is the right, and I believe, the duty of all, as far as they can, 
to attend town meetings. I would not go so far as to fine every 
one who was absent without excuse ; but it would be fair to insist 
that persons so situated, should not find fault with the doings ef 
-those who do attend. 



48 

Our great souFces of expense, schools, highways, and the poor, 
will demand much, and faithful attention. In tiie first settlement 
of the country, our ancestors made them a public charge, and 
obliged every man, according to his ability, to contribute his pro- 
portion. Many plausible schemes have been devised, either for 
throwing offlhe biu-den altogether, or shifting it from those who 
ought to bear it. Were I authorized to advise, 1 should say, — 
"Stand ye in the ways ; see and ask for the old paths ; Where 
is the good way ? And walk therein." 



APPENDIX* 



[A.] 



ill a town so extensive as this, for after all that has been lopped 
oflf, it is about 10 miles by 7, it is remarkable that all local inte- 
rests were so far given up as to induce an agreement to build a 
Town Hall, with great unanimity. There were other interests, 
and conflicting claims and jealousies, quite as difficult to keep 
quiet, as those resulting from local situation. Probably the plan 
which was adopted, was the only feasible one. The building pro- 
posed to be erected, was, of necessity, to be large, or it could not 
accommodate the town. The town did not require for their use, 
more than one floor. The Masonic bodies in the town were desir- 
ous of erecting for themselves, a spacious Hall. From the situa- 
tion of the ground, it was convenient to have the Town Hall above 
the basement story : it was therefore proposed to have a range of 
stores under the Town Hall, and to have the Masons contribute 
towards the building, according to the accommodation they should 
have ; and that the persons who should contract to build, should 
have the cellar and basement story, towards a compensation for 
building. In addition to this, the old Town House was to be dis- 
posed of, to the first parish, to procure a title to the ground on 
which the Hall was to stand. These various interests were brought 
to unite in the object, and assurances made to secure their respec- 
tive rights, and the whole completed without accident or conten- 
tion. The corner stone was laid with appropriate 3Iasonic cere- 
monies, and addresses made on the occasion. The building was 
completed February, 182S. 



[B.] 

The tradition with regard to building first in Housemeadow, is 
rendered nearly certain, by an entry in the registry of deeds, made 
7 



50 

Lib. "B Fol. 20, by John Holyoke, the reiyister, in the year 1679, 
In a note explaiiiin^j; tlie terms of an Indian deed, he says, '■'■Aqa- 
am. It is that meadow on the sonth of A^ifawam River, where the 
English did first build a house, which we now, commonly call the 
house meadow, that piece of ground it is which the Indians do call 
Agawam and there the english ke}>t their residence, who first came 
to settle and plant at Springfield now so called." From the ex- 
pressions here used, "kept tlieir residence," it seems that a house 
niust have been bnilt there ; and probably those who came in 16\i5; 
lodged there till they went back in the fall. 



"May the I4th, 1636 We, whose names are underwritten, be- 
ing bv God's Providence, ingagefi together to make a plantation, 
at and over against Ai^anm on Conecticot doe mulually agree to 
certayne articles and orders to be observed and kept by us and by 
our succe-sors, excpt wee and every of us, for ourselves and in 
cure ]Hr>i'ns, shall ihink meet uppon better reasons to alter our 
present resolntio is. 

"Ily. Wee intend, by God's grace, as soon as we can, with all 
convenient speede, to procure some Godly and faithfull minister, 
with whome we purpose to joyne in church covenant, to walk in 
all the ways r)f Christ. 

"21y. Wee intend, that our tovvne, shall be composed of fourty 
familys, or if wee think meete after, to alter our purpose; yet not 
to exceed the number of fifty fan)i)ys rich and poore. 

"31y. That every inhabitant shall have a convenient proportion 
for a house lott, as we shall see meete for every ones quality and 
estate. 

"41y. That every one, that hath a house lott, shall have a pro- 
portion of the Tow pasture to the north of End brook, lying north- 
ward from the town ; and also that every one shall have a share, 
of the hosscLi/ mnrish over agavnst his lott, if it be to be bad, and 
every one to have his proportionable share of all the woodland. 

"olv. That every one, shall hnve a share, of the meddow, or 
planting ground, over against them as nigh as may be, on Agaam 
side. 

"61y. That the Lonjrmeddowe, called Masacksick, lying in the 
AVav to Dorchester,* shall be distributed to every man, as wee shall 
think meete, except wee shall find other conveniences, for some for 
theyre milch catta>le, and other cattayle also. 

"71v. That the meddowe and pasture called, JVai/os towards 
Patuckett, on ye side of Agaam, lyeinge about fower miles above 

"The way to Dorchester was, probably, to Windsor, then called Dorcliester. 



51 

i« the ridge sh^ll be distributed" [erasure of six and a half lines,] 
"as above said in the iornier order, and this was altered and with, 
consent before the hands were set to it. 

"8Iy. 'J hat all rates that shall arise upon the town, shall be layed 
upon lands, according to every ones proportitni, aker lor aker, of 
hovvse lotts, and aker for aker of meddowe, both alike on ihisside, 
and both ahke on the other side ; and for farnies, that shall lye 
farther oft", a less proportion, as wee shall after agree except nee 
shall see meete to reniitt one half of the rate from land to other 
estate. 

'•9ly. That whereas Sir. William Pynchon, Jehue Burr, and 
Henry Snmh, have constantlv continued to prosecute thesanse, at 
greate cha.ges, and at grcate personal adventuie, tiierefoie, it is 
mutually agreed, that fourty acres of (neddowe. Ivingon tlie scjuth 
of End biooke, under a hill side, shall belonge to the- said partys 
free from all charges forever. That is to say twenty akers, to Mr. 
William Pynchon, and his heyies and assigns foiever, and ten 
akers to Jehue Burr, and ten akers to Henry Smith, and to their 
heyres and assigns forever, which said forty akers is not disposed 
to them as any allotment of tovvne lands : but they are to have 
their accommodations in all other places notwithstanding. 

"lOly. That whereas a house was built at a comon charge which 
cost £(i and also the Indians demand a grate some, to bye their 
right, in the said lands, and also a greate shallope, which was re- 
quisite for the first planting, the value of which engagements, is to 
be borne by each inhabitant, at theyre first entrance, as they shall 
be rated by us till the said disbursements shall be satisfyed, or 
else in case the said bowse and boat be not so satisfyed for ; thea 
so much meddow to be sett out, about the said howse as may couu-. 
tervayle the sayd extraordinary charge. 

"Illy. It is agreed that no man except Mr. William Pynchoa 
shall have above ten acres for his house lot. 

"J21y. Anulled. 

"131y. Whereas there are tvvo Cowe pastures, the one lying to- - 
wards Dorchester, and the other Northward, from End brooke. 
It is agreed that both these pastures sliall not be fed at once ; but 
that the time shall be ordered by us, in the disposing of it for 
tymes and seasons, till it be lotted out ami fenced in severalty. 

"141y. May 16, 1636. It is agreed that after this day, wee 
shall observe this rule, about dividing of planting ground, and med- 
dowe, in all planting ground, to regard chiefly, persons, who are 
most apt to use such ground. And in all mecldowe, and pasture, 
to regard chiefly, cattel and estate, because estate is like to be im- 
proved in cattel and such ground is aptest for their use. And yet 
wee agree that no person, that is master of a !ott, though he hath 
not cattel, shall have less than three acres, of planting ground, and 
none that have cowes, steeres, or year olds, shall have under on© 



52 

acre a piece, and all horses, not less than four akers, and this or- 
der in dividing meddow by cattell, to take place the last of May 
iiext,«oe that all cattayle that, then appeare, and all estates, that 
shall tjjen truly appeare, at £20, a Cow shall have this proportion 
in*the medowe, on Agavvam side, and in the large meadow, Ma- 
sacksick, and in the other long meddovvc called Nayas, and in the 
pasture at the north end of the town called End brook. 

"•loly. It is ordered, that for the disposinge, of the hassaky 
marish, and the granting of homelots, these five men undernamed, 
or theyre Deputys, are appoynted, to have full power, namely, Mr. 
Pynchon, Mr. Michell, Jehue Burr, William Blake, Henry Smith. 

"It is ordered that William Blake, shall have sixteen polle, in 
bredth for his homelott, and all the marsh in bredth abuttinge at 
the end of it, to the next highland, and three acres more, in some 
other place. 

"Next the lott of William Blake, Northward lys the lott of 
Thomas Woodford, being twelve polls broade, and all the marish 
before it to the upland. Next the lott of Thomas Woodford, lys 
the lott of Thomas Ufford, beinge fourteen rod broade, and all the 
marish before it to the upland. Next the lott of Thomas Ufford, 
lyes the lott of Henry Smith, being twenty rod in breadth, and all 
the marish before it, and to run up in the upland on the other side 
to make up his upland lolt ten acres. 

"Next the lott of Henry Smith, lyes the lott of Jehue Burr, be- 
ing twenty rods in breadth, and all the marish in bredth abuttinge, 
at the end of it, and as much upland ground on the other side as 
shall make up his lott ten acres. 

"Next the lott of Jehue Burr, lys the lott of Mr. William Pyn- 
chon, beinge thirty rod in bredth, and all the marish at the east 
end of it, and an addition, at the further end, of as much marish, 
as make the whole twenty foure acres ; and as much upland ad- 
joining, as makes the former howse lott, thirty acres in all togeather 
fifty fowre acres. 

"Next the lott of 3Ir. Pynchon, lyes the lott of John Cabel, 
fowreteene rod, in breadth, and fowre acres and halfe of marish at 
the end of his lott. 

"Next the lott of John Cable, lys the lott of John Reader, beinge 
twelve rod in breadth and fowre acres and a halfe in marish at tlic 
fore end of his homelot. 

"The lotts of Mr. Matthew Michell, Samuel Butterfield, Ed- 
mund Wood, and Jonas Wood, are ordered to lye, adjoining to 
mill brooke, the whole being to the number of twenty five acres, 
to begin three of them on the greate river, and the fowrth on the 
other side of the small river. 

"It is ordered that for all highways, that shall be thought neces- 
sary, by the five men, above named, they shall have liberty and 
power, to lay them out, when they shall see mecte, though it be 
at the end of mens lotts, giveing them alowancc for so much ground. 



53 

"We testifie to the order abovesaid being all of the first adven- 
turers and undertaker- for this Plantation. 

William Fynchon, TJie mark T of Thomas 

Math. Mitchell, Ufford, 

Hknry Smith, .John Cabel." 

The mark | of Jkhu Burr, 

William Blake, 
Edmund Wood, 
This is in the hand writing of Henry Smith, except the two con- 
cluding lines, in Mr. Pynchon's hand. 



[D.] 

There is no evidence, from the town records, that Mr. Mitchell, 
the two Woods, Blake, Ufford, Reader, Woodford, or Butterfield, 
remained here any time. When they went, I have no information. 
From the title given to Mitchell, "Mr. Matthew Mitchell," he must 
have been a man of some note. Jehu Burr, called by some histo- 
rians, John Burr, from a mistake in reading the old writing, was a 
carpenter. He was here in Jan. 1639. When a volunlary rate was 
made for Mr. Moxon's house, he paid a larger sum than any other, 
except Mr. Pynchon. In January, 1642, he seems to have left the 
place. A person of that name appears on the Connecticut records 
as a magistrate or deputy. 



A list of the inhabitants of Spr 
the time of 



itiff field, fro}n 1636, to 1664, aiid 
their coming. 



1636 



1638 



1639 



1640 



REMOVED. 


1040 


Elizur Holyoke 


William Pynchon 


16.52 




VVill.am VVarriner 


Henry Smith 


1053 




Henry Burt 


*VVilliam Hlal<e 




Jan. 


Rowland Stebbins 


**Edninnd Wooci 




1041-2 


Thomas Stebbins 


"Thomas Uftbrd 






Samuel Wright 


John Cabel 


164 2 




Richard Sikes 


*Matthew Mitchell 






John Deeble 


*Samucl Butterfield 




1042-3 


Samuel Chapin 


^James Wood 






Morgan Johns 


*John Reader 




April 


Thomas Cooper 


* Thomas Woodford 


1039 


1043. 


James Bridgnian 


John ifeaile 






Alexander Edwards; 


Richard Evcritt 






*John Dobie 


Thomas Horton 






Roger Pritchard 


Rev. George Moxon 


1652 


May, 


Francis Ball 


Tliomas jVJirrick 




1044. 


John Harmon 


John Leonard 




1045 


*Wi)liam Vaughan 


Robert Ashley 






•William Jtss. 


John Woodcock 


1642 




Miles BTorgan' 


John Allin 






"Abraham Mundon 


John Burt 






Francis Pe[)pcr 


Henry Gregory 






*Jolm Burrhall 


Samuel Hubbard 






Benjamin Cooley 



54 



Jan. John Maltliews 

1645-6 George Colton 
Joseph Parsons 

Nov. John Clarke 

1646 James Osborne 
Tliomas Elieve 
Widow Margaret Bliss 
Nathaniel Bliss 
Thomas Tomson 
Rifhard Exell 
William Branch 
Griffith Jones 
Rciee Bedoriha 
Hugh Parsons 
John Lombard 
*J()hn Scarlet 
Geor^'e Langton 
Lawre'ice lUisg 
Samuel liliss 
John Bliss 

1651-2 Anihon\ Dorchester 
John Lamb 
Sainu'.'tiMarshfield 
Join Duinbleton 
Jonathan Taylor 
Rowland Thomas 
Thomas Miller 

1653-4 Benjamin Parsons 



1653-4 Obadiah Miller 
Abel Wright 

1656 Hugh Dudley 

William Brooks 
Simon Beam on 
Samuel Terry 
John Lamb 
Benjamin Mun 
*Jt)hn Stewart 
Thomas Bancroft 
Thomas Noble 
^Richard Maund 
Tliomas Gilbert 
Simon Socket 

1658 Richard Fellows 

1659 Rev. Peletiah Glover 
'Tail an Grant 
Nathaniel Lly 
Samuel Ely 

1660 John Keep 
Edward Foster 
^Thomas Sevvall 

1664 Thoma.s Day 
John Riley 
John Heuryson 
William Hunter 
John Scott. 



Those with this (*) mark, did not remain in town. 



[E-3 

The actual grants of house lots, in theorigfinal settlement on the 
street, as made at fir.-t, so far as they can be gathered from the 
records, was as follows, beginning at the south. 



Width nf lots. 



J^ames. 
John Lombard. 
Hugh Parsons, 
Jonathan Burt, 
Briijamin Coolcy, 
Reice Bedortha, 
Gritfith Jones, 
John Matthews, 
Jonathan Taylor, 
Thomas Thomson, or 
Widow Margaret Bliss. 
George Langton, 
Nathaniel Bliss, 
Nathaniel Pritchard, 
John FLnrmon, 
Henry Burt, 
Samuel Wright, 
Rowland Slebhins, 
Morgan Johns, only a short dis- 
tance in front, 
Widow Deeble, 



14 



10 



JVnmes. Width of lots. 

John Clarke, 8 

Alexander Edwards, 8 
James Bridgnian, at first 
Thomas Morton's, 

Thomas Mirrick, S 

John Leonard, 8 

Robert Ashley, 8 

Francis Ball, first John Wood- ) 

cock's, bounded north by > 8 

way to training place, j 
James Gregory, or Thomas) 

Stebbins', bounded south > 10 
by do. ) 

Wiiliani Warriner, 8 

Richard Sikcs, 9 

Richard E.xell, 8 

Samuel Chapin, 8 

George Mo.xonj 14 

Henry Smith. 20 

Elizur Holyoke, 20 



55 



Names. Width 


of 


lots. 


Karnes. 


Width of lots . 


William Pynclion, 




31) 


John Stewart, 


10 


Thomas Cooper, before > 
John Cabel's, \ 




14 


Samuel Terry, 


10 




Hugh Dudlny, 


10 


John .Searle, 




8 


Obadiah Miller, 


10 


Miles Morgan, 




10 


Simon Sacket, 


10 


Francis Pepper, 




10 


Abel *Vright, 


10 


Simon Beamon, 




10 


Richard Maund. 


10 



A fact is mentioned in the addition to the last edition of Win- 
throp's Journal, to shew that tlje General Court of iVlasisachusetts 
considered all the settlements as still subject to them. "16:J6, 4th 
mouth, '28. Warrant to the constable of Watertown at (Connecti- 
cut, [NVethersficld,] to seize and inventory, John Oldham's goods, 
who had been slain by the Indians, for payment of his debts. 



[G.] 

"1635. By the General Court it was ordered Yhat there shall 
be two Drakes lent to the plantations at Conecticott, to fortifie 
themselves withall, also six barrels of powder, (2 out of Water- 
town, 2 out of Dorchester, and 2 out of Rocksbury,) also 200 shott, 
with other implements, beloui^ing to the' that may conven- 
iently be spared all which are to be returned again upon demande." 

A Drake is a small piece of Artillery. 



[H.] 

"February the 14 1638. 
"Wee the Inhabitants o^ A^aam upon Quinnettirot takins-e into 
consideration the manifold inconveniences, that mav fall u|)i»n us, 
for want of some fit magistracy amonff ns. Being- now, hv Gods 
Providence, fallen into the line of the Massachusetts jurisdiction ; 
audit being farr off to repayre thither, in such cases of Justice, as 
may often fall out among us, doe therefore think it meett bv a gen- 
eral consent and vote, to ordaine, (x\\\ we receive further directions 
from the General Court, in the Massachusetts Bay,^ Mr. William 
Pynchon, to execute the office of a magistrate, in this our planta- 
tion of Agaam. viz. To give oaths to constables and military of- 
ficers, to direct warrants, both processes, executions, and attach- 
ments, to heare and examine misdemrnor, to inflict corporal pun- 
ishment, as w"hii)ping, sfockingc, byndinge to the peace or good 
behaviour, and in some cases, to require sureties, or if the offence 
require it to commit to prison, and in defaults of a comon prison. 



56 

to committ delinquents to the charge of some fit person or persona 
till Justice may be satisfied. 

Also in the tryall of actions for debt or trespass, to give oaths, 
direct juries, depone witnesses, take verdicts, and keep records of 
verdicts, judgments, and executions, and whatever else, may tend 
to the kings (or keeping) peace, and the manifestation of our fidel- 
ity to the1)ay jurisdiction, and the restraining of any that violate 
Gods laws ; or lastly, whatever, else may fall within the power of 
an assistant, in the Massachusetts. 

It is also agreed uppon, by a mutuall consent, that in case any 
action of dett, or trespasse be to be tryed, seeing a Jury of 12 fit 
persons, cannot be had, at present, among us, that six persons, 
shall be esteemed a good, and sufficient Jury, to try any action un- 
der the sum often pounds, till we see cause to the contrary, and 
by common consent shall alter this number of Jurors, or shall be 
otherwise directed from the general court in the Massachusetts." 



The hill east of the original settlement, furnishes a very great 
supply of springs of the purest water, as they issue from the sand. 
There are within the bounds of the present town, four streams 
emptying into the Connecticut, sufficient to carry mills, and are 
improved for that purpose. Pecoiosic, which is on the southern 
border, Mill river, called by the Indians, Usquaick, the C/iicopce, 
and the Willimansit. Garden brook, called in the records also, ye 
town brook, rises on the plains, and comes to the street opposite to 
Mr. Pynchon's settlement, before which it separates, and a part of it 
flows off northward, and a part of it along by the side of the street, 
upwards of a mile. On this, near its mouth, the first Grist mill 
was erected. Mill river, and the Chicopee, have been very exten- 
sively improved for mills, and macliinery, of all kinds, impelled 
by water. The latter is capable of being improved for those pur- 
poses, to almost any indefinite extent. The same observations 
may be made with regard to West Springfield, in a very consid- 
erable degree, though the mill seats have not been so much occu- 
pied. The Aggawam, or Westfield river, if not diverted for the 
uses of the canal, must afford valuable situations for mills. 



[K.] 

Hutchinson says, Pynchon was a gentleman of learning, as well 
as religion. He laid the foundation of Roxbury ; but afterwards, 
removed to Connecticut river, and was the father of the town of 
Springfield. Johnson, in his "Wonder-working Providence," pub- 



5t 

lisli^d in 1654, says : "About this time Mr. Pynchon sometime a 
magistrate having out of a desire, to better his estate, by trading 
with the Indians, settled himself, very remote, from all the churches 
of Christ, in the Massachusetts Government, upon the river Con- 
ectico, yet under their Goverrmient, he having some godly, persons 
resorting unto him, they there erected a town, and church of 
Christ, calling it Springfield, it lying upon this large navigable riv- 
er halh the benefit of transporting their goods by water, and also 
fitly seated for the Beaver trade with the Indians till the merchants 
increased so many, that it became little, worth by reason of their 
out buying one another ;* which caused them to live upon husband- 
ry : the town is mostly built, along the river side, and upon some 
little rivalets of the same. There hath of late been more than one 
or two in this town greatly suspected of witchcraft, yet have they 
used much diligence, both for the finding them out, and for the 
Lords assisting them against their witchery ; yet have they, as is 
supposed, bewitched not a few persons ; among whom, two of the 
reverend elder^s children. These people inhabiting the town, having 
gathered into a church body, called to the office of a pastor, the 
reverend, Mr. Moxon who I'emaineth with them at this very day. 
Of whom as followeth : 

As thou with strong and able parts art made, 

Thy person stout, with toyl, and labour shall. 

With help of Christ, through difficulties wade, 

Then spend for him : spare not thyself, at all, 

When errors crowd, close to thyself and friends, 

Take up truths sword, trifle not time for why, 

Christ called his people, hither for those ends, 

To tell the world, that Babels fall is nigli, 

And that his churches, through the world shall spread. 

Maugre the might of wicked men and devils. 

Then Moxon^ thou needst not at all to dread 

But be avenged on Satan for his evils. 

Thy Lord Christ, will under thy feet him tread." 

When this account of Moxon was written, he was here ; but be- 
fore it was published, he had returned to England. He died, very 
poor, out of the ministiy, September 15, 1687. 

[L.] 

An explanation of the Indian names of places in this deed, which 
is almost cotemporaneous, is made by John Uolyoke, in the margin 

*Mr. Pynchon seems to have been an extensive dealer in furs, vvl^ile at 
Roxbury. He farmed out tlie privilege, iiiid paid a sum to the Giiicral Court. 
After he came to Springfield, he pursued tlie same business. VVoronooo was a 
place famous for the beaver trade ; and Mr Pynchon paid the General Csjurt a 
certain sum for the right to trade with the Indians, in furs. 

8 



58 

pf the registry of it, in 1679. He sfiys, "A^aam is that me&cldvt 
on the so"utli of ALmam river where the En«hsh first built. Quana 
IS in.ddlemeadow a Ijoining to it. Mamcksick is the long meadovv. 
Usquaick is mdl river and the lands adjouiinjj it. Nai/assett is the 
three corner meadow and land adjoining, extending northerly to 

Chicopee river." t i t» i 

The deed of Northampton from the Indians, to John Fynchon, 
is dated September '24, l(>53. ClncbaaUop, and a number of other 
chiefs named, all of Nonatnck, sohl all the grounds on the west 
side Quinnecticott river, beginning from the small river, below 
Manban. called Sonkwank, and go up by Quinnecticott river, to the 
little meadow, called Capawonk, namely to the little brook, or gut- 
ter, on this side Capawamp, which little brook is called Mu^quanip, 
and all the ground westward from Quinnecticott, lor nine miles 
out into the woods, as far as Nausconick. The grounds included 
are there called by manv Indian names.^ This deed was assigned 
to Northampton inhabitants, Jau. 16, 1662. 



fM.] 

The rule of apportioning these lands to individuals, Avas by es- 
tates and polls. The polls to be estimated at twelve pounds each, 
and nil male children under aae to be considered as polls. It was 
also ordere*!, that m hen divided while common or unfenced, they 
should be free to all the inhabitants for grass, herbage and timber, 
and fill imjuoved, should not be taxed. There was a provision for 
a school and ti ministry lot in each of these divisions. 



[N.] 

The laws of the colony were at this time in manuscript. They 
were not printed till 1651 ; and it is doubtful whether, even then, 
a copy was kept here. 

"Febry the 5th 1649 

" \ co,oy of such orders as are made and confirmed by the In- 
habitants of .Springfield the day and year above written. 

"I. For the prevention of <lisorders in puttinge cattell to pas- 
ture, on the other side of ihe great river, to the prejudice of men's 
corne ; and yet that men may have the benefit, of the |)asture there, 
for theyre cattell, in seasonable tyine. It is therefiue ordered, 
that no person shall j)ut over any cattell on the other side of the 
great^ river, to Pasture there, uiitill the ir)tli day of October yearly, 
and from ihence untill the eighth day of March they may continue 
there, by which day the fields there are to be cleared of cattell of 
all sorts, and if any cattell shall be fi)und there going at liberty, 
and not under the hand of a keeper, or in an inclosed piece of 



59 

ground, before or after the days abovesayd, the owners of the said 
caitcll shall be lyahic to a tine of l'2c/. a head for all that shall be 
found witlini a 100 rodd of any come or meddowe, one lialt'e <d' tho- 
fine to the informer, and ye other halte to the toNsne, and .-hall 
make goode w hatever daniadge shall appeare to he done by theyie 
said cat tell in that tynie. 

"2. Whereas the planting of Indian come, in the meddows and 
swamps, on the other side of Agaicam river, hath occationed along 
stay, after m^ winof tyme, before men can puttheyre catiell thither 
to |)asture. Therefore it is ordered (with the consent of all those 
that have planting- ground there^, that no more Indian corn, shall 
be planted there, euher in the meddows, or swamps, thai soe the 
cattell that have allotments there mav be put over by the 15th day 
of September yearly, provided they take a sure course, to prevent, 
theyre cattell from goinge over the river, either by fencing, or a 
keeper in the day tyme, and by securing them in some inclosure in 
the night. But there is liberty, for calves to be put over thither, 
by the 14th of August. And in case any person, shall put cattell 
there before the day expressed, he shall forfeit 2s. Grf. by the head, 
for every such default, and also be lyable to pay all damadge that 
his cattell shall doe on either side of the river. [This order was 
soon changed, and the same rule adopted as in the first regulation.] 

"8. It is ordereJ that if any Inhabitant shall desire to make a 
Cannoe, he may have liberty to fell any tree or trees, in the towne 
commons, and make it or tiiem into Cannoes, for hi# own use. or the 
use of any Inhabitant, But no such inhabitant shall have liberty, to 
sell or in any kinde to ])ass away, any Cannoe soe made out of the 
towne, until! it be full five years old, or if he lend his cannoe, it 
shall be returned within a month. And in case any shall trans- 
gress this order he shall be lyable to a penalty of 20*-. for every 
default. 

"4. It is ordered, that whosoever, shall take away or make use, 
of any mans Cannoe, without his leave shall forfeit unto the owner 
2s. (^d. for every such default.* 

"5. It is ordered that there shall be no barns, or howseing built 
or set up in the highway, betwixt the streete fence, and the brookc, 
except there be soe much room as they can leave 4 rod for the 
streete or highway, and then men may make use, of that side, next 
the brooke, for what building they please. And if any shall trans- 
gress, this order it, shall he lawiull for the selectmen to appoynt 
men to pull downe, and demolish, such building. 

"6. For the prevention, of sundry evills, that may befall this 
Township, through ill disposed persons, that may thrust themselves 
in amongst us, agaynst the likinge, and consent of the generality 
of the inhabitants, or select Townsmen, by purchasinge a lott, or 

*Tlicse regulations as to c«?jac»', were important, as tlioy were the vehicles in 
which the farmers every day went from one part of their farms to another 



60 

place of habitation, <fcc. It is therefore ordered, and declared, 
that no inhabitant, shall sell, or in any kind pass, away his house 
lot or any part of it or any other of his allotments, to any stranger, 
before he have made, the select Townsmen, acquainted, who his 
ch ipman is, and they accordingly allow of his admission, under 
penalty, of paying twenty shillings, for every parcell of land, so 
sold, or forfeitinge his land, soe sould, or passed away. But if 
the select Townsmen, see grounde to disalovve of the admission, 
of the said chapman, then the toun, or Inhabitants, shall have 30 
days tyme to resolve, whither they will buy the said allottments, 
which said alottments they may buy, as indifferent partys shall ap- 
prise them. But in case the Inhabitants shall delay to make a 
purchase of the said lands, above 30 days after the propounding 
of it to the select Tounsmen, then the said seller shall have his lib- 
erty to take his chapman and such chapman, or stranger, shall be 
esteemed, as entertained and alowed of, by the toune as an Inhabi- 
tant. 

"7. It is ordered, that, if any man of this to'.inship, or any pro- 
prietor of land, have, or any that shall or may dispose of land here, 
shall under the colour of friendship, or any other ways, entertaine 
any person, or persons here, to abide as inmates, or shall subdivide 
their howse lotts, to entertaine them as tenants, for a longer tyme, 
than one month, or 30 days, without the consent of the select 
Tounsmen, ('children or servants of the family that remain single 
persons excepted, j shall forfeit for the first default, 205. to the 
Towne and alsoe he shall forfeite 20s. per month, for every month, 
that any such person or persons &hall soe continue, in this Toun- 
ship without the consent of the select Tounsmen ; and if in tyme 
of their abode, after the limitation abovesaid, they shall neede re- 
lief, notbeinge able to maintaine themselves, then he or they, that 
entertained such persons, shall be lyable, to be rated by the select- 
men, for the reliefe, and maintenance, of the said party or partys, 
so entertained, as they in their discretion shall judge meete. 

"8. For the regulating of workmens and labourers wages. It is 
ordered. 1. That all workmen shall worke the whole day, allow- 
ing convenient tyme for food and rest. 2d. Thatt all husbandmen 
and ordinary labourers from the first day of November to the first 
of March shall not take above IGd. by the day, wages, for the other 
8 months, they shall not take above 206?. by the day, except in time 
of harvest, such as reaping, and mowing, or for otber extraordina- 
ry worke, such as are sufficient, workmen, are allowed 2.s-. pr day. 
8. That, all carjienters, joyners, sawers, wheelwrights, or such like 
artificers, from the first day of November, to the first of INIarch, 
shall not take above 20f/. pr day wages. And, for the other 8 
months, not above 25. pr day. Taylors, not to exceed, 12</. pr 
day, through out the year. 4. That all teamrs, consisting of 4 
oattell, with one man, shall not take al)ove, 6.--. a day wages : From 
May till October, to worke 8 hours and the other part of the year 
six houres fortheyre days worke. 



61 

"And it is furtlier ordered, that whosoever shall, either, by gjive- 
ing or taking, exceede these rates, he shall be Jyable to be i)unish- 
ed by the magistrate, according to the quality and rjatiire of the 
offence. 

"9. It is ordered, that every householder, shall have in a ready- 
ness, about his iiouse, n sufficient ladder, for length suitable to his 
bowsing, to prevent the danger of fire, on penalty for every neg- 
lect, 5a-. 

"10. ft is ordered, that if any person, shall be taken notice of, 
to carry fire in the streete, or from house to house, not being suffi- 
ciently covered, soe as to prevent doeinge hurt thereby, he shall 
forfeite 5.s-. for every such oftence, proved against him, besides all 
damages, for what hurt may come thereby. 

"11. It is ordered, that if any trees be felled, in the common, 
having no other worke bestowed on them, above six months, it 
shall be lawfull for any man, to take them : but any Timber that 
is cross cutt or tire wood that is cutt out, or set on heaps, or rayles, 
or clefts, or poles, no man may take any of them, till they have 
lyen 18 months, after it is so cross cutt or cloven. And in case 
any person shall be found to take away, or convert to his own use, 
any tymber, or fyrevvood, &c. as aforesaid, before the tyme above 
limited, he shall be liable to make satisfaction to the owner, in 
kinde, or otherwise, to his content ; and shall also forfeite IO5. to 
the Toune Treasury, for every such parcel of tymber, rayles, boettes, 
or firewood, that he shall soe disorderly take away, and convert, 
to his own use. [N. B. This order was in some respects modified 
in 1660, but substantially continued.] 

"12. Whereas, there is observation taken, of the scarcity of 
Tymber, about the Toune for buildinge, sawing, shingles, and such 
like, it is therefore ordered, that no jierson shall, henceforth trans- 
port, out of the toune, to other places any building tymber, bord, 
loggs, or sawen boards, or planks, or shingle Tymber, or pipe 
staves, which shall be growing in the Toun comnions ; or from 
Chickuppe river, to freshwater brooke, and six miles east from the 
great river : and, if any man, shall be found, to transgress this or- 
der, he shall be lyable to a fine, of 20*-. for every freight, or loade, 
of such Tymber, boards, shingle, or such like, by him soe trans- 
ported. 

"13. To the end that such candhwood as lyeth near the Towne 
may not be wasted by such as burne Tarr, &c. to ye prejudice of 
the Inhabitants, It is therefore, ordered, that no person, shall have 
liberty to gather, or haviiige soe gathered, to burn any candlewood, 
for the makinge of Tarr, Pitch, or Coale, within the comijass of six 
miles east, from the great river, and soe extending from Chickuppe 
river, to the Longmeadow brooke ; and if any shall be found to 
burne any candlewood, soe gathered, within the limits or bounds, 
above expressed, he shall forfeite 20s. for every load of candlewood, 
soe gathered, and burnt for Tar. Pitch, or Cole, or ye like use. 



62 

Provided iiotwithstauduig that every Inliabitanl, may gather can- 
dlewood for his own family use where lie pleaseth.* 

"14. Whereas, it is judged, offensive, and noisome, for flax, and 
hempe, to be watered, or washed, in or by the brooke, before mens 
doors which is for ordinary use, for dressinge meate, therefore it is 
ordered that no person henceforth, shall water or wash, any flax or 
hemp, in the said brooke, either on the east or west side of ihe 
streete, or any where, near adjoyningc to it. and if any person shall 
be found transgrcssinge herein, he shall be liable to a tine of 6s. 8c?. 
for every such default. 

"15. It is ordered that no person shall gather any hopps, that 
grow in the swamps, or any common grounds, untill the lifth day 
of September yearly, upon payiie of forfeitinge what they shall soe 
disorderly gather, and 2.-^. 67. for bieach of order, the forfeiture to 
the informer, the 2.-;. Gd. to the Toune treasurer. 

"16. Whereas it is judged needful, in sundry respects, that each 
Inhabitant, should have the severall parcells of his land, recorded 
therefore for prevention of future inconveniences, It is ordered, that 
every particular inhabitant, of this tounship shall repayre to tlie 
recorder, that is chosen and appoynted, by the toune for that pur- 
pose, who, upon information given him, by each ^.erson, of his sev- 
erall parcells of land, the number of acres, with the length and 
breadth of ye said alotments, and who are borderinge, on each side 
of him, shall by virtue of his office, fairly record each parcell of 
land, with tf.e limits, bounds, and situation, thereof, in a book, for 
that purpose, for which his pains, the owner of the said lands, shall 
pay unto the Recorder, two pence for every parcell, of his land, soe 
recorded. And, if any person, shall neglect the recording of his 
lands, longer than six months, after ye grant of it, he shall be lya- 
ble to a fine of '3s. for every parcell of land, that is not then re- 
corded ; and if after that he shall neglect to record it 12<7. pr 
month for every months neglecte, of any parcell ; And auncient 
orants are all to be recorded, by the last of May next, upon hke- 
penalty. 

"17. It is ordered, that if any person, whose houselott lyes in- 
closed in a general fence, shall desire to inclose a part of it, for 
yards, gardens, or orchard, his neighbour, on each hand of him, 
shall be compellable to make and sufficiently maintain, the one 
half of the, said fence, from tyrne to tyme, provided his share 
offence amount not to above ten rods, provided alsoe, that ye 
said fence exceede not the charge of a sufficient five foot pale, or 

"This regulation as to candlewood, refers to fl\e slate of tlie plains, and the 
customs of the people, at that tirno. By the perisliing of old trees, there were, 
on and in tlie ground, many pine knots, and hearts of trees, vvhieh nere gener- 
ally used for torch lights. Till within 50 years, it was the nistom of the people, 
to have gathered, every fall, for family use, a quantity of these pine knots, &c. 
A prudent fanner would almost as soon enter upon the winter without hay, as 
without pine. This was gathered on all uninclosed land, wherever found. 



63 

five rayles. And in case any neifjhbour shall refuse to doe his 
share, of ye saiil fence, within 3 months, after due notice, given 
hi Ti of It, he .shall be liable to pay, what datnadge his neighbour, 
shall sustaine, through his default : and alsoe 5s. per month soe 
long as he shall neglect for contempt of order. 

"IS and 19. [The ISth an, I 10th, are respecting fences, and 
the oversight and repair of them, and have nothing peculiar in 
them. J 

•"20. For the better carryinge on of Toune meetings, it is order- 
ed that whensoever, there shall any public notice, be given to the 
Inhabitants by the select Tounsrnen, or any other, in theyre behalfe, 
of some necessary occation, wherein the selectmen desire, to ad- 
vise with the Inhabitants, and the day, tynie, and place, of nieet- 
inge be appoynted. It is expected, that all the Inhabitants, attend 
personally, such nieeting, soe appoynted. And, in case, the tyme 
and houre of meetinge, be come, though there be but nine of the 
Inhabitants assembled, it shall be lawfull for them to proceed, in 
agitation of whatever busyness is there |)ropounded to them, and 
what the major part of the Assembly there rnett shall agree upon, 
It shall be taken as the act of the whole toune and binding to all. 

""21. The first Tuesday in November yearly [altered afterwards 
to February,] is mutually agreed on and appoynted, to be a general 
toune meetinge, for the choyce of Toune officers making, continu- 
ing and publishing of orders, &c. on which day, it is more espe- 
cially, expected, that each inhabitant, give his personall attend- 
ance, and if any shall be absent, at the tyme of calling, or absent 
himself without consent of the major part, he shall be lyable to a 
fine of 2s. 6f/. 

"22. It is alsoe ordered, that on the first Tuesday, in November, 
there shall be yearly chosen, by the Inhabitants, two wise, discreete 
men, who shall by virtue of an oaih imposed, on them by the mag- 
istrate, for that purpose faithfully present, on the Court days, all 
such breaches of Court, or toune orders, or any other misdemenors, 
as shall come to their knowledge, either by their own observation, 
or by credible informatio'i, of others, and shall take out process 
for the appearance of such as are delinquents, or witnesses, to 
appeare the sayd day ; when all such presentments, by the sayd 
partys, shall be judicially heard, and examined, by the magistrate, 
and warrants for distresses, granted for the levying of such fines, 
or penaltys as are anexed to the orders violated, or which shall 
seeme maete and reasonable to the magistrate, to impose, or in- 
flict, according to the nature of the offence. These to stand in this 
office for a year or till others be chosen in their roome.* 

"2ii. It is ordered and declared, that when anr man, shall be 
fairly and clearly chosen, to any office, or place, of service, in and 

"These oflicers, called presenters, wore chosen for many years. After grixni 
jurors were chosen, they had only town orders to exeeute. 



64 

to the touiie, if he shall refuse to accept, or shall afterwards, neg- 
lect to serve, in that office, to wliich he shall be chosen, every such 
person, shall pay 20^-. fine for refusall to the Toune Treasurer, un- 
less he has served in thnt office the yeare before ; no person being, 
to be compelled, to serve two years, together in the same office, 
except selectmen, two whereof, if chosen againe, are to stand two 
yeares together; that so, there may be always some of the old se- 
Icctmea who are acquainted vv^ith the Toune affaires, joining with 
the new. 

24. — [Relates to the regulation of swine, and is not necessary 
to be transcribed. An officer, unusual in later years, was chosen 
as a general swine ringer, and his fees stated.] 

"25. To the end that the common Highways, of the Toune, may 
be layed out where, they may be most, convenient, and advanta- 
giose, for the general use of tlie toune, it is therefore ordered, that 
the select Tounsmen shall have full power, and authority, to lay 
out all common highways, for the Toune, where and how they shall 
judge most convenient, and useful, for the Inhabitants, though it 
be through or at the end of mens lotts. Provided, they give them 
reasonable satistaction, according to equity ; but if the party like 
not thereof, then it shall be referred, to the Judgment of indiffer- 
ent partys mutually chosen, by the partye and the select Touns- 
men : and if those two indifferent partys, do not agree they shall 
pitch upon a 3d person to join with them, and determine it. 

"26. And the Select Tounsmen are alowed, liberty to set a cer- 
taine toll, on carts, that shall pass any highway, which shall ap- 
peare more than ordinary chargeable, in the reparation of it. 

"27. For the equall, and indifferent carryinge on and bearinge 
the charge, of makinge and repayreing such common highways, 
and bridges as are, or shall bethought, needful, to be made, or re- 
payred, from tyme, to tyme, within this township, it is ordered, 
that every householder, that hath, or keepeth, in his use, or pos- 
session, aTeame, consistinge of four cattell, shall on due warninge, 
given him by the surveyor, send at every day, and place appoynt- 
ed, his said teame, with his cart, and such necessary tooles, as the 
surveyor, shall alowe of, and an able man therwith, to doe such 
work, as the surveyor, shall appoynt him. The like is to be done, 
by those that have but halfe teaines. And, it is further ordered, 
that every other householder, who hath no teame, shall by himself 
or some other faithful labourer, attend the worke appoynted, him 
by the surveyors, on every day, that he shall be called, or required 
soe to worke. And, it is alsoe ordered, that all persons inhabit- 
inge in the toune, who are above .£100, estate in other rates, and 
yet have no teame, every such person, shall be compellable to send 
one sufficient labourer, to the highway worke, on every day, that 
he shall be duly warned thereunto, accordinge to his proportioH 
with other men. 



65 

"It is alsoe further ordered, that every person shall cut dnwnc 
liis stubbs, and cle.ire the highway, before his lott, of tyuiber wood, 
standing- trees, ('which are hereby declared to be a mans oun), or 
any other offensive matter, that t!ie surveyors shall warne hiin of, 
within three days after notice given hiin, or else be lyable to a fine 
of I2d. for every defect. 

"28. Whereas, there are survej'ors, chosen yearly, for the over- 
sight and amendinge of highways, bridges, and other defects of that 
liature, that soe the common highways of the Toune may be kept 
in continuall reparation. To that end, and for the regulatinge of 
surveyors, in the discharge of their office. It is ordered yt ye sur- 
veyors for the tyme beinge, shall take care, 1. That highways, 
bridges, wharfs, &c. belonging to theyre care, be made, repayred, 
and amended sufficiently, accordinge to theyre discretion, or as 
thev shall be directed by the select Tounsmen. 2. That all high- 
ways be kept cleare from trees. Timber, wood, earth, stone, or any 
other offensive matter, yt shall anoy the highway, within a mile of 
any dwelling house. 3. That if any person, upon notice given him 
by the surveyor, shall neglect to remove, or cleare away, any such 
anoyance to the highway, or offensive matter, by him caused, long- 
er than 3 days, then the surveyor shall doe it, and have double re- 
compence for all his labor, cost and charge, from the party so neg- 
lecting, besides the 12(/. which the party is to pay in way of fine, 
for neglect, according to the order forenientioned. 4. That the 
surveyor shall give three days warninge to such as they call for, 
and require to come to the highway worke, viz. the day of warn- 
ing and a day more, soe that men must come ttie 8d day after 
warning, unless the surveyors give them longer tyme. 5. That 
they shall reqtiire no householder to worke above G days in a yeare, 
nor more of these six days than shall, in a due proportion, fall to 
his share. 6. That the surveyors shall require no man to worke 
above two days in a weeke. 7. That they call for these 6 days, 
for as many of them as shall serve, within the compass of tyme be- 
twixt the 20th of May and 20th of June, yearly, and not at any 
other time, unless by the consent of the major part of the select 
Tounsmeiri, it be agreed unto ; and yet, inasmuch as sometimes 
ways suddenly become defective, that they may not too long be neg- 
lected, it is declared, that three of ye selectmen meetingc, and any 
two of them agreeing, may apyioynt and allow the surveighours to 
repaire such defective ways. 8. That they duly present to the se- 
lect Tounsmen, all defects of persons, or teames, that, on lawful 
warning given, neglect to come to the worke appoynted, who shall 
give warrant to the constable, for present distress, of 2.>'. fine for a 
man, and 5s. for a man and teame, to be etn ployed in the next 
worke that is to be done about highways. 9. That they give in 
theyre accounts yearly, to the selectmen, at the general meetinge 
i'n November, when they yield up their office another veare,*' 
9 



06 

*ri>ese byelaws, some of lliem, were made at an earlier date, and 
adopted into this code at this time. The}' were all revised and 
transcribed, in the year 1664, and entered in another book. Some 
of tliem were then modified, and a few of them repealed. The 
most of them were never formally annulled ; but as new circum- 
stances occurred, and other regulations, either public or private, 
were made, they went out of use. 

There were two or three regulations, not in this system, which 
ought to be noticed. As to highways, in 1640, the surveyor was 
"to oblige all to remove stubbs, sawpits, or tymber, from the high- 
ways ; and if any person neglected, he should fortieite Is. and if 
continued, 2*'." 

As far as the brook lay upon the street, there was a special regu- 
lation as to that, made in 1657 : "that all the Inhabitants between 
Mr. John Pynchon's, and the lovv'er side of Benjamin Parsons', who 
are proprietors of any part or parcel of the wet meadow before our 
doors, shall take care to cieare and scour the brook, soe far as. 
theyre lott or alotments is in breadth, in the same meadow ; and 
that it be done sufiiciently, to the approbation of the selectmen ; 
and that by the last of June next, upon penalty of 3s. 4d. per week, 
for every parcell that is found undone at that tyme, and so to con- 
tinue pr week, till the worke be fully done ; the which fines shall 
be duly levied by the constable, and imj)roved for public use." 

In 1660, this subject was again before the town, when, uniting 
an order made January, 1638, as to scouring ditches before the 
liouses, and the order of 1656-7, it was provided, ''that the pro- 
prietors of the meadows should keep a good and suflicicnt ditch, 
well cleared, for the easy and ready passage of ye water, and for 
that purpose, from 6 or 8 rods above where the brook come to the 
Street, sliould annually, in the month of May, scoure and cieare ye 
said ditches and water |)as.tages, of sand, dirt, wood, or any rub- 
bish, so that ye water may have free })assage away, \\ithout penning 
up, to flow the meadows. Every person neglecting, to pay 5s. to 
the town, and for after neglects, 3.s. 4d. a week : the whole to be 
done under the care of two of the selectmen, to be specially ap- 
poynted for that purpose." 

The method of detVaying town charges, appears to have been 
one of some difficulty. At first, tie assessment was upon land, by 
the acre : this was alterwards confined to the homelots. To pay 
for the land ])urcliased of the Indians, each individual was assessed 
according to the quantity of land he held. In 1655, it was order-, 
ed, "that all lands, and bowsing, and live stock, which a person 
owned, should be a))praised and assessed at their value." 

This mode of rating was again altered, Teh. 1660-1. Houses, 
lands, and livin<r stock, (except swine put up for fatting and kill- 
ing,j were to be appraised and assessed ; and men's persons also, 
to be valued from 16 years old and upward, at =i 12, <A'16, or £20, 
at the discretion of the selectmen ; all except sick or infirm, to be 



67 



included : men also to be rated for their inercliandising and tradf 
ing, according to the trade they drive in the town, tn be determin- 
ed by the selectmen. In IG()3, a fourth class for rating persons, 
was made, to be set at £8. All were to be valued by the apprais- 
ers. 

At the first settlement of the town, it was much infested with 
wolves and foxes. A premium was given for the killing of each. 
This was to he levied, at first, only upon cattle ; but afterwards, it 
was a general charge upon the town. Some years the claims on 
this account amounted to a considerable sum. 

To shew the vahie of estate here, at an early period, and the 
relative vahie of its difterent kinds, 1 liave taken from the Pynchon 
records, a copy of the inventory of Natlianiel Bliss, taken Februa- 
ry 14, 1634-5. He lived a little south of where Union street unites 
with Main street. 

"Housing and home lott, .5 acres, 

Wet meadow before the house, 3 acres, 

Wood lot, 5 acres, .... 

Over ye great river, 9 acres. 

At the Longmeadow, 26 1-4 acres. 

Over Agawam river, 5 acres. 

Meadow on tlie Mill river, 2 acres, 

2 Cows, 

3 Swine, .... . . 

3 kettles, 1 skillet, and 1 pale, 
7 pieces of pewter, 13s. ; 7 do. of tin, 4s. 
Warming Pan, 5s. ; a frying pan, 2s. 
Earthen ware, 4s. ; wooden ware, 20s 

2 bedsteads, 10s. ; 2 chairs, 3s. 

3 boxes and a chest, . ... 
Axes, spades and hoe, . ... 
Plough chain and share, 10s. ; curtain stayes 
Cradle and chest, 
Bedtick, with flocks and feathers, 
A musket, sword, and bandaliers. 
Hat, 5s, ; jacket and 2 |)air of breeches, 18s. 
Pillow, 3s. ; books, 10s.; a spinning v 

^42 10s. Gd. 
It seems that the cows were appraised at upwards of $16 each, 
while land in the homelot and meadows, was not more than 85 an 
acre. Land was then abundant, and cattle were very scarce. It 
appears that the accounts of the selectnien were audited yearly, 
and a particular statement made and entered on the record. A 
minute account was given of the town's property : e.g. In 1660, it 
is noticed, "that Lawrence Bliss is to pay for the chain of the steel- 
trap, which he lost ; and there is one of the town's one iron hook 
and eye, in the post of the gate going to the training place, and an- 
©ther at Thomas Cooper's house." 



. .£6 


Os. 


M. 


3 








1 








4 


10 





8 


10 





. ■ 8 


5 








14 





7 


10 





1 


5 





1 


13 








17 








7 





1 


4 








13 








7 


6 





7 





s, 7s. 


17 








5 





1 


10 





1 


2 





8s. 1 


3 





1, 2s. 


15 






68 



[O.] 

On the subject of the roads in the town, though there is no record 
of the layin>^ out of Main street, yet it is constantly referred to, aS 
a road, a street, and a highway. It was ordered to be four rods in 
breadth, till it left the brook, and then to be three rods ; and front 
the bridge across the brook, to the gate at the upper end of Long- 
meadow, it was to be also four rods, and through the meadow, of 
the same width. It passed under Longhill. The town street has 
been several times regulated : it was done in 1664, by the select- 
men, and in 1769, by a committee of the Court of Sessions, when 
it was made d county road, if not before. The upper end of the 
street was made 6 rods wide, in 166'2, from the bank of the mead- 
ows up to Round hill. The road through the meadow, called the 
middle causey, now State street, was only two rods wide : the road 
from the meadow up the hill, was wide. From the rear of the 
wood lots, to pass up the great hill, it was twenty rod« broad : the 
principal ascent was overcome by winding up the hill, farther south 
than any part of the present county road. The road to the burying 
ground was originally only one rod, then altered to 1 1-2, and after- 
wards to two rods. The original roa Is to Skipmuck, the Sixteen- 
acre road, the road through Longmeadow, and through West 
Springfield, on the way to Windsor, were all laid and kept, many 
years, twenty rods wide. 

[P-] 

The right to permit cattle to riin upon the town commons, wa? 
considered, in the early settlement of the town, a most important 
privilege. It was constantly exercised by the inhabitants ; and 
much dependence was placed upon the commons, for pasturing 
cattle during the summer. The highways tliat were laid 20 rods 
broad, were laid of that width, avowedly, for the purpose of pas- 
turage. The cattle were all branded, and each man's brand was 
recorded. While wood lands remained uncultivated and unfenced, 
the rio-ht of pasturing upon them was claimed ; and for more than 
a century and a half, was exercised, without question, or dispute. 
Nearly all the milch cows, as well as young cattle, which Were kept 
in the town, especially in the first parish, were, till within 40 years, 
depastured on the commons. There were many evils in this pracj 
tice : cattle would destroy young timber : persons were tempted 
to set fire to the woods, that there might be better feed. After the 
country became populous, the pasture grounds were diminished; 
and the ancient simplicity and honesty being much diminished, it 
was found that cattle were not very safe on the plains, immedi- 
ately after the law autharisinsr towns to restrain cattle from going 
at large, was passed, in 1800, this town passed a vote imposing 
such a restraint. This has tended to increase the growth of wood, 
and also the quantity of pasture land. 







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